It began in a living room in Southfield. Six people around a table in February, trying to figure out what to do about the federal lawyers who had just leased office space five minutes from their neighborhood.

Those lawyers work for the Office of the Principal Legal Advisor, arguing deportation cases on behalf of Immigration and Customs Enforcement. They are the legal architecture behind ICE’s immigration raids.

The building is One Towne Square, an 18-story office tower on the Lodge Freeway. The owner, a company called Redico, says the lease prohibits law enforcement or detention on the premises.

The neighbors say that’s not enough, and the number of them pushing back is growing. Six people in a living room became 150 at a recent rally. Congresswoman Rashida Tlaib, State Senator Jeremy Moss, and faith leaders also showed up.

At the center of all this is Lauren Fink. She co-founded the Southfield Neighbors Action Committee in that living room in Southfield with her husband, Cameron. She joined Robyn Vincent on The Metro to talk about what it means to be a good neighbor when people around you are in trouble.

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The Metro is closely watching the race for Michigan’s open U.S. Senate seat.

The Republican side is settled. Former Congressman Mike Rogers, who lost to Elissa Slotkin by less than half a point in 2024, is running again. This time, he wants the seat Gary Peters is leaving behind.

The Democratic side is more complicated. Three serious candidates are competing for the nomination, and the distance between them tells you something about where the party is right now.

Congresswoman Haley Stevens has Chuck Schumer’s endorsement and millions in support from AIPAC. She is running on expanding the Affordable Care Act and working within existing institutions. State Senator Mallory McMorrow wants generational change inside the party — new leadership, new tactics — but within the current system. Physician Abdul El-Sayed is running to the left of both. He wants Medicare for All, the abolition of ICE, and says Democratic leadership has lost touch with its own voters.

They disagree on healthcare. They disagree on immigration enforcement. They disagree on Israel and Gaza, on whether billionaires should exist, and on who should be leading their own party.

WDET’s Russ McNamara sat down with all three — same questions, same mic — and the answers lay out a party in the middle of an argument with itself. The Metro listened back to that story, then Russ joined Robyn Vincent for some analysis about this moment.

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For tens of thousands of people across metro Detroit, this past weekend wasn’t spent relaxing. It was spent in the dark, listening to 70-mile-per-hour wind gusts. Others were likely watching the water line creep up in their basements after days of rain.

When we talk about environmental risk, we’re talking about the collision between volatile weather, intensified by human-caused climate change, and fragile, aging infrastructure. It is the risk your lights won’t stay on, your basement won’t stay dry, and your utility bills will keep rising.

Nearly 95,000 households lost power in this latest storm. While many of the lights are back on, the frustration hasn’t dimmed, especially since DTE Energy’s $242 million rate hike just went into effect earlier this month.

Today marks the start of Severe Weather Awareness Week. Governor Gretchen Whitmer is urging you to “know your plan.” But for many metro Detroiters, that plan is at the mercy of a grid and a regional geography that feels fragile. 

To help us look past the downed limbs and into the systems that are failing, Nicholas Schroeck joined Robyn Vincent on The Metro. Schroeck is the dean of the University of Detroit Mercy’s School of Law and a leading expert on environmental policy.

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The Metro team has been noticing a chilling effect as we dig for answers and information: some sources who used to talk to us are not picking up. Community members, advocates, and elected officials are going quiet. But silence is only one side of the story. The other side is a deliberate wall of noise.

Washington Post reporters obtained thousands of internal Department of Homeland Security messages and found a taxpayer-funded media operation embedded in immigration raids. Producers were told to flag “cinematic scenes” for the camera. When someone arrested had no criminal record — and nearly 74% in ICE detention don’t, according to government data — officials were told to find something else “newsworthy.”

At the same time, DHS has sent hundreds of administrative subpoenas to Google, Meta, Reddit, and Discord demanding the identities of people who criticize ICE online. 

Maria Hinojosa has spent decades fighting against the silence and the noise. The Pulitzer Prize-winning host of Latino USA and founder of Futuro Media joined Robyn Vincent to talk about the federal government’s information war on immigration.

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The United States has a long history of deciding what Iranians want. Saturday, it happened again.

Without Congressional authorization, President Trump and Israel launched strikes that killed Iran’s supreme leader and hundreds of civilians, including as many as 165 children at a girls’ elementary school. Trump says he is giving Iranians a chance at freedom. But 92 million people live in Iran, and reducing them to a single story is something the United States has done before, with devastating consequences.

Saeed Khan, associate professor of Near Eastern Studies at Wayne State University, specializes in the politics and history of the Middle East. He joined Robyn Vincent to discuss the history the U.S. tends to ignore and the costs of reducing Iranians to a single story.

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If you have lived in Detroit for a while, you’ve heard the city’s revival narrative. The magazines, the national news, the awards —they proclaim Detroit is back. Many Detroiters have bristled at this. Back from where? They never left.

That phrase — “Detroit never left” — is the counter. It is emblazoned on T-shirts, stickers, and murals. Detroiters utter these words to take back the narrative. But from whom?

In her new book, “Detroit Never Left: Black Space, White Borders, Latino Crossings,” Nicole Trujillo-Pagán makes the case that powerful outsiders have long defined Detroit’s problems at the expense of residents. 

She argues foundations, banks, the state, and national media used words like “blight” and “vacancy” to define the city’s problems in ways that benefited themselves while excluding Detroiters.

She joined Robyn Vincent on The Metro to discuss how Detroit’s comeback has looked different depending on where you stand.

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That creamy Reese’s peanut butter cup dissolving on your tongue. The next crunchy Dorito you’re reaching for before you’ve swallowed the last one. The first sip of an ice-cold Coke, with a mix of syrup and carbonation; it hits like relief.

Your brain’s reward center is supposed to keep you alive, but a major new study from the University of Michigan, Harvard, and Duke says the food industry learned how to use it against you — engineering products with the same science as cigarettes.

The playbook is this: optimize the craving, accelerate the reward, and make it nearly impossible to stop.

Ultraprocessed foods now make up roughly 60% of what Americans eat. San Francisco has sued 10 major food manufacturers over the harm.

Health Secretary Robert F. Kennedy Jr. has said these foods are poisoning Americans, but he has stopped short of regulating them.

In Detroit, 69% of households face food insecurity and researchers describe the city as a food swamp, where drive-throughs, party stores and gas-station snack aisles vastly outnumber places to buy fresh produce.

Detroit’s numbers make the question sharper: What happens when engineered food is all that’s there?

Ashley Gearhardt, clinical psychologist, addiction scientist at the University of Michigan, creator of the Yale Food Addiction Scale and lead author of the study, joined Robyn Vincent on The Metro to discuss this and more.

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Young people’s brains are changing.

Research shows social media activates the same dopamine-driven reward pathways in the brain as addictive substances. The scroll, the like, the notification — each one is a quick hit of pleasure that keeps you coming back.

The U.S. Surgeon General has warned that teens who use social media for more than three hours a day face double the risk of depression and anxiety, and the vast majority of American teenagers use social media. More than a third say they use it “almost constantly.” 

The platforms keep us sucked in so long that we now have new terms for our interactions with these devices, like “doomscrolling” and “brain rot.”

Now, the courts are getting involved. In Los Angeles, a jury is hearing claims that Meta and YouTube deliberately designed their platforms to get children addicted. In New Mexico, the state attorney general is suing Meta for allegedly failing to protect minors from sexual exploitation. 

In Michigan, legislators are cracking down on phones in schools. This month, Michigan banned smartphones in the classroom, affecting students in the fall. 

State Representative Mark Tisdel, a Republican representing Rochester Hills, sponsored the cell phone ban. He joined Robyn Vincent on The Metro to discuss how he believes lawmakers should stand up to Big Tech.

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Part of the affordability crisis hitting American families is happening on our plates.

One local wholesale distributor says multiple factors are driving food costs up: President Trump’s tariffs, labor shortages and heightened immigration enforcement, and problems in the trucking industry. And all of that hits Detroit harder than most places. Many Detroit families struggle with food insecurity, and Congress just gutted the federal safety net that millions of families depend on.

Still, whether prices go up because of a tariff or a drought or a trucker shortage — if you don’t control any part of the system, you just absorb the hit. You are at the end of a chain somebody else built and no food pantry, no matter how well-run, changes that.

Natosha Tallman says the answer is not more charity — it’s infrastructure: commercial kitchens, cold storage, distribution, ownership. A system where Detroiters grow food, process it, sell it, and keep the money. 

Tallman and her team at the Northend Christian Community Development Corporation, which runs the Oakland Avenue Urban Farm, are trying to build that infrastructure. She joined Robyn Vincent on The Metro to discuss what it takes to move from a system focused on food charity to one of food sovereignty.

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Michigan’s bitterly cold winter has many staring down high energy bills — the highest in the Midwest. These rising costs have kept utilities on people’s minds.

Some recent headlines have, too.

Last week, a federal judge fined DTE Energy $100 million for polluting the air around Zug Island.

DTE Energy said in a prepared statement it is “extremely disappointed in the court’s ruling and its negative implications on the domestic supply of coke to the U.S. steel industry.” The company said it plans to appeal to the 6th Circuit Court and maintains it “has been operating within the limits of the valid original state permit – both today and during the time period in question.”

Two days later, state regulators approved another rate hike for DTE — a $242.4 million increase that will add roughly $4.93 to the average residential monthly bill starting March 5. DTE said the investment is delivering results, pointing to what it called its most reliable year in nearly two decades.

“Since 2021, DTE’s electric bill growth has been among the lowest in the country compared to other states,” said Matt Paul, president and chief operating officer of DTE Electric. “Our actual bills remain below the Great Lakes region and national averages.”

“A never-ending cycle”

That same week, DTE posted over $1.5 billion in operating earnings — more than $100 million higher than the year before. Michigan Attorney General Dana Nessel called the pattern “a never-ending cycle of rate hikes.” She said the system should be questioned when a utility projects record profits while asking customers to pay more.

In other energy and environmental news, the U.S. Supreme Court heard arguments Tuesday on the future of Line 5 — the 73-year-old oil pipeline running through the Straits of Mackinac. 

Meanwhile, communities across the state are in revolt over data centers that could consume more electricity than entire cities. DTE has said that data center contracts are separate and that residential customers will not subsidize their rates.

So given all this, today we’re asking: who is in charge of utility costs and safety in Michigan? And when things go wrong, who is accountable? Nick Schroek has some answers. He is dean of the University of Detroit Mercy School of Law, a leading expert in environmental law, and served as a special assistant prosecutor during the Flint Water Crisis. He joined Robyn Vincent on The Metro.

Editor’s Note: DTE Energy is a WDET sponsor.

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Communities across Michigan are asking how, exactly, local law enforcement is working with federal immigration agents as the Trump administration steps up aggressive enforcement, including the killing of two Americans in Minneapolis. In Detroit, that question is playing out on the pages of two police personnel files. 

Detroit Police Chief Todd Bettison vowed to fire two officers who broke department rules by calling U.S. Border Patrol during traffic stops, handing people over to federal immigration agents. Then he dropped the terminations.

In one stop, an officer called Border Patrol, believing the person was undocumented. In the other, a sergeant called for help communicating with a driver who didn’t speak English, though the department runs a 24-hour translation hotline.

DPD policy — stemming from a 2007 anti-profiling ordinance and a 2020 internal directive — bars officers from contacting Border Patrol, ICE, or any federal agency for translation or immigration enforcement. 

Outlier Media’s public records requests turned up at least two more incidents the chief did not disclose.

Ahead of the Board of Police Commissioners’ vote on the suspensions, The Metro’s Robyn Vincent spoke with Noah Kincade, who runs the Documenters program at Outlier Media. 

The Detroit Documenters helped surface these cases at police commission meetings. 

ICE and CBP did not respond to WDET’s requests for comment about this story.

Hear the full conversation using the media player above.

Editor’s Note: After this interview aired, the Board of Police Commissioners voted 10–0 to suspend both officers without pay for 30 days. Bettison, who said he would terminate them, backed off the next morning. His reversal comes after one officer sued in federal court, claiming her lieutenant ordered the call, and Michigan Republican House Speaker Matt Hall threatened to review Detroit’s state funding in response to the case.

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Something is breaking open in Iran — and it’s been building for months. A war, then an uprising, then a massacre, and now a nuclear deal on the table.

Last summer, Israel and the United States bombed Iran’s nuclear sites in a 12-day war. In late December, millions of Iranians took to the streets in the largest protests since the 1979 revolution, driven by economic collapse, a cratering currency, and decades of grievance. The regime responded with what human rights groups are calling the worst government massacre in Iran’s modern history — a crackdown that, according to the U.S.-based Human Rights Activists News Agency, has killed thousands of protesters. The government imposed a near-total internet blackout, and many families still cannot reach their loved ones.

This week, American and Iranian negotiators sat down in Geneva to try to cut a nuclear deal. Iran’s foreign minister said the two sides reached an understanding on “guiding principles,” though both sides acknowledged significant gaps remain. The talks are mediated by Oman and come as the U.S. deploys two aircraft carrier strike groups to the region.

But here’s what most coverage misses: the millions of Iranians who want this regime gone don’t agree on what should come next.

Saeed Khan, Associate Professor of Near Eastern Studies and Global Studies at Wayne State University and a research fellow at the Center for the Study of Citizenship, joined Robyn Vincent on The Metro to break down why what happens inside Iran matters far beyond its borders.

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When a government agency decides whether a chemical in your food is safe, where does the science come from? Most of us assume it’s independent. In the case of Roundup — the world’s most widely used weedkiller — the manufacturer wrote the research, and it went unchallenged for 25 years.

In 2000, a study published in the journal Regulatory Toxicology and Pharmacology concluded Roundup posed no health risk to humans. But internal Monsanto emails released in 2017 litigation revealed company employees had ghostwritten the paper. Despite that, it remained in the scientific record, cited without caveat in hundreds of academic papers and dozens of government documents worldwide.

Harvard historian of science Naomi Oreskes and researcher Alexander Kaurov changed that. Their 2025 analysis found the ghostwritten paper ranked in the top 0.1% of all cited glyphosate literature. They requested the journal retract it. In November 2025, it did, citing “serious ethical concerns.” Oreskes and Kaurov also wrote about their findings in Undark.

The retraction comes as Bayer, which acquired Monsanto in 2018, faces roughly 65,000 Roundup cancer lawsuits. On February 17, the company proposed a $7.25 billion class settlement. The U.S. Supreme Court has agreed to hear a related case this term. Bayer maintains glyphosate is safe.

Oreskes, author of “Merchants of Doubt,” joined Robyn Vincent on The Metro to discuss how one ghostwritten paper shaped pesticide policy for a generation, and what it means now that it’s been thrown out.

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If you live in southeast Michigan, chances are you have a DTE story — the kind where your food spoiled during an outage, your pipes froze while you waited for power, or the number on your energy bill last month spurred disbelief.

The data backs up that frustration. According to a report from the Citizens Utility Board of Michigan, the state ranked last in 2023 for average time to restore power after an outage, taking roughly 12 hours per incident —more than double that of any neighboring state.

Energy rates, meanwhile, continue to climb. DTE Energy has filed four rate increase requests with the Michigan Public Service Commission in five years. In 2024, the company cut power to approximately 150,000 customers for nonpayment, according to a report from the Center for Biological Diversity. That same year, DTE paid more than $607 million in dividends to shareholders while its profits surged 41%.

Now, a grassroots effort in Ann Arbor is trying to change the equation.

The group Ann Arbor for Public Power has launched a petition drive to put a question on the November 2026 ballot: whether to establish a governing board for a future city-owned electric utility. The group needs approximately 6,500 signatures to qualify for the ballot.

What happens next

If approved by voters, the measure would not immediately purchase DTE’s infrastructure. Instead, it would create a nine-member public utility board to lay the groundwork for an eventual transition away from the investor-owned utility. A separate vote would be required in the future to authorize the actual acquisition of DTE’s poles and wires.

Michigan already has roughly 40 municipal utilities in cities like Lansing, Traverse City, Holland, and Wyandotte. But none of them were formed by acquiring infrastructure from a private utility. Ann Arbor would be the first city in the state to attempt it. Organizers believe success there could open the door for other Michigan cities, including Detroit, to follow.

Sean Higgins, president of Ann Arbor for Public Power, joined Robyn Vincent on The Metro to discuss why his group believes public ownership is the path to cleaner, cheaper, and more reliable energy for Ann Arbor residents.

DTE Energy has not responded to WDET’s request for comment about this effort.

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Across the country, small businesses in immigrant communities are reporting the same pattern: customers are disappearing, workers aren’t showing up, and revenue is in decline.

Federal immigration enforcement has reshaped daily life in these neighborhoods, and some business owners say it’s hitting them harder than COVID, in part because there’s no PPP loan or government lifeline this time around.

In Los Angeles County, the vast majority of surveyed businesses reported negative impacts, with nearly 50% losing more than half their revenue. In Chicago’s Little Village, business sales have dropped an estimated 50 to 70%. And the Brookings Institution estimates that 2025 may have been the first year in over half a century that net migration to the U.S. went negative.

That same predicament is playing out in metro Detroit. In Southwest Detroit, Dearborn, and Hamtramck, the small businesses that anchor entire neighborhoods are under growing pressure. Business owners along Vernor Highway describe empty storefronts, canceled appointments, and streets that used to bustle with foot traffic now eerily quiet. Community networks — WhatsApp alert groups, volunteer patrols, whistle distribution — have emerged to help residents maintain their daily routines.

Mark Lee is the president and CEO of The Lee Group, a consulting firm that works with small businesses on strategy, marketing, and growth across Southeast Michigan. He joined Robyn Vincent on The Metro to talk about what he’s hearing from owners on the ground.

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The price of water has been steadily rising in Southeast Michigan. Now, one of the steepest rate increases in the Great Lakes Water Authority’s decade-long history is up for a vote.

GLWA is proposing roughly a 7% water rate hike and a 6% sewer rate hike for the fiscal year starting July 1 — the second straight year exceeding the 4% cap the authority held for its first decade. GLWA says the money is needed to replace aging infrastructure: 83.6 miles of transmission main are past their useful life, and the system is largely funded by ratepayers.

At the authority’s January board meeting, residents pushed back. A GLWA representative acknowledged that 155,000 Detroiters are already enrolled in water assistance programs, roughly one in four residents.

Noah Kincade, who leads Detroit Documenters for Outlier Media, joined Robyn Vincent to break down what’s driving the increase, how rates are set, and what residents can do.

Listen to the full conversation above.

How to get involved

Residents can contact state lawmakers about Senate Bills 248–256, which address water affordability, or call We the People of Detroit’s water hotline at 1-844-429-2837. The GLWA board holds its public hearing and vote on Feb. 25 at the Water Board Building (735 Randolph St., Detroit) and via Zoom. Last year, public testimony led the board to reduce its proposed hike before the final vote.

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Federal immigration agents have been involved in at least 30 shootings since President Trump returned to office — eight of them fatal. In almost every case, the administration declared the agents’ actions justified before any investigation was complete.

Two of those killings happened in Minneapolis within three weeks of each other: Renee Good on January 7 and Alex Pretti on January 24. Both were U.S. citizens, age 37, and in both cases, masked federal officers opened fire, and the Trump administration’s initial accounts were later contradicted by video evidence.

Their deaths spurred protests across the country and accelerated a growing push by local and state governments to impose limits on federal immigration agents.

Local Pushback

In Detroit, City Council member Mary Waters has introduced the Alex Pretti Detroit No Masks Ordinance, which would prohibit any law enforcement officer — local, state, or federal — from concealing their face while performing their duties in the city. The proposal has been referred to committee but has not yet received a vote.

At the state level, the Michigan Senate held hearings last month on a package of bills aimed at how federal immigration enforcement operates in the state. They would ban law enforcement masks, bar ICE from operating in schools, hospitals, and houses of worship, and prevent state agencies from sharing data with federal immigration authorities.

Former chief warns about anonymity in law enforcement

Former Detroit Police Chief Isaiah “Ike” McKinnon was among those who testified in support of the bills.

McKinnon joined the Detroit Police Department in 1965. Two years later, during the 1967 Detroit uprising, fellow white officers pulled him over while he was in full uniform, put a gun to his head, and shot at him. During that same period, officers across the department were removing their badges to avoid being identified. McKinnon survived — and stayed on the force. In 1993, Mayor Dennis Archer appointed him Detroit’s second Black police chief. Over five years, he overhauled the department’s approach to community trust.

Now 82, McKinnon told Michigan senators he sees the same pattern repeating: officers who conceal their identities operate without accountability.

He spoke with The Metro’s Robyn Vincent about how local police should respond to this moment.

Use the media player above to hear the conversation.

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After years of pandemic disruption, driver shortages, and declining public trust, Southeast Michigan’s transit agencies say they’re finally back on their feet.

There are new labor contracts. New buses on the way. On-demand service pilots. Even a regional transit app designed to knit a fragmented system together.

But recovery doesn’t always feel like progress… especially if you’re still waiting 40 minutes for a bus that’s supposed to come every 10.

At a recent State of Transit meeting hosted by Transportation Riders United, transit leaders struck a cautiously optimistic tone. They said the crisis is over. But questions remain about access, equity, and reliability.

Noah Kincade leads Detroit Documenters, a civic journalism program where trained residents attend public meetings and take detailed notes to help the rest of us stay informed. He joined The Metro’s Robyn Vincent to examine how transit officials are framing the system’s rebound and how those claims compare with riders’ experiences.

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For more than a century in the United States, Native children were forcibly removed from their families and sent to boarding schools. Designed to strip students of their languages, cultures, and identities, the schools were created through federal policy, supported by state governments, and often operated by religious institutions. 

In Michigan, this system lasted longer than many people realize, with some open into the late 20th century. 

There have been some moves to reconcile this, what many consider a genocidal policy of assimilation. 

The state commissioned a study on boarding schools that was completed but never released publicly. Attorney General Dana Nessel has since launched a criminal investigation. The state, meanwhile, says it now plans to release the report.

At the same time, America is living through a moment that Native people recognize. The federal government is again separating families and using dehumanizing language to justify sweeping enforcement policies.

Leora Tadgerson’s work is pushing Michigan toward a reckoning led by Tribal nations. A citizen of Gnoozhikaaning, Bay Mills, and Wiikwemkong First Nations, Tadgerson is director of Reparations and Justice for the Episcopal Diocese of Northern Michigan. She also co-chairs the national Truth, Justice, and Healing Commission on Native Boarding Schools for The Episcopal Church. 

Leora Tadgerson

She joined Robyn Vincent on The Metro to discuss the history and lasting impacts of Native American boarding schools in Michigan and what justice and healing looks like.

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