New book explores how working class shaped Downriver
Metro Detroit’s Downriver area is where heavy industry meets nature, creating a complicated dynamic between the economy and the environment.
Steel mills and other factories that once lined the Detroit River employed thousands of people from River Rouge south to Rockwood. Workers enjoyed the benefits of well-paying manufacturing jobs that bolstered the middle class. But they also recognized the environmental threats those factories posed to the land, the water, and the air around them.
Labor unions and other groups fought to protect the Downriver area’s natural resources and the recreational opportunities they provided.
Michigan State University labor historian Lisa M. Fine has studied the working class’s relationship with the communities where they live. She studied those bonds and wrote a book about them. It’s called “Downriver Detroit: The Working Class, the Environment, and the Bonds of Place.”
WDET’s Pat Batcheller, a Downriver native, spoke with Fine about her research. Here’s a transcript of their conversation, lightly edited for clarity.
Listen: New book explores how working class shaped Downriver
Pat Batcheller: Why did you write the book?
Lisa Fine: I cast out to find a place where I could test my theories that working class people cared about not only the natural world around them, but also the community, the region, the place in which they lived. My first scholarly exploration was Pointe Mouillee, the game reserve down there. And it was to my great delight and surprise to find a site Downriver that the people of the region and beyond wanted to preserve once it became available for sale to the state, so that everybody publicly can hunt there for ducks or whatever else they wanted to hunt for.
And to me, that just seemed like a great validation in some ways, or sort of an invitation in many ways, to explore this throughout the entire region. I wanted to uncover the ways in which working class people living in a particular region expressed their identities and their actions through the things that define them by that region.
PB: And what do you think connects people to Downriver?
LF: Since I’m a historian, the first thing that I’ll say is I think it’s history. So for many people, like Native American communities or immigrants, it’s the ways in which the region has become their home, the ways they’ve been able to make a living there, to establish families and communities, and to create a working-class way of life. There’s such a powerful nostalgia that I uncovered.
These things were threatened during the 1960s and 70s because of the kind of employment, because of the kind of life that people could build, because of the place itself. It’s not a place that you would normally associate with natural beauty. But in fact, the people that live there do love the waterfront, and they do love the terrain and the spaces there. People connected to that as well.
PB: You mentioned Pointe Mouillee, which is only a few miles down the river from what used to be heavy industry. You still have Great Lakes Steel in Ecorse. But a couple of steel plants dried up. DTE Energy tore down its coal-fired power plant in Trenton not that long ago. You’ve got this balance that you have to strike between preserving the natural features and at the same time maintaining the tax base, the job base. How difficult was that for people to balance?
LF: It was a constant negotiation. Pointe Mouillee was originally an elite hunting ground owned by industrialists from all over the northeast. But then when it was being sold, there was a groundswell to make this available as a public space, which is incredible. Federal, local and state funds became available to do that.
But there were also other developments later such as the creation of the Detroit River International Wildlife Refuge, which was an incredible effort to preserve spaces up and down the river and even down to Lake Erie. All of those were negotiations that were affected by historical circumstances, availability of resources, public input, and sometimes pushback around it.
One of the labor leaders that I feature in my book, Harry Lester , said, “you have to have jobs. They have to work.” And so, the responsibility to make that balance or to engage in that negotiation should not rest solely on the working people. We’re not going to give up the desire to have a Detroit River that we could use, that we could fish in, that we could swim in one day. This responsibility should be shared by local, state and federal officials.

PB: You mentioned in your book the role that unions played in those negotiations. Why was that important?
LF: It signaled at least at the beginning of the environmental movement in the United States. Working class people, through their labor unions, were going to be lobbying for and engaging in activities on behalf of the environment. Unions recognized this: what good is bargaining for more spending money and more free time if the places that they want to spend their money and engage in their outdoor activities are unacceptable, trashed or polluted?
PB: What did you learn about the people who call Downriver home?
LF: I learned that they were both similar to places all around the country and also completely unique, which I know sounds contradictory. But for me, that’s the importance of the study.
On the one hand, very few communities of working-class people live in an environment like this. They don’t live beside a boundary water and a river with all the concentration of industry. But on the other hand, there are so many downrivers and downwinds and downstreams all across the United States.
Working class people who live in those communities never sign on to the fouling of their environments and never sign on to be pushed out of their communities. Those kinds of things are not unique. And yet the ways that the people of Downriver responded, with this powerful nostalgia, this commitment to improving their resources and their desire to stay I found very compelling.

PB: How important is the river itself to the region’s identity?
LF: It’s all about the water. I’ve visited many times down there and it does dominate the landscape, certainly among the communities that are right on it. People from the very beginning lived near there because of those waters. Industry came there because of those waters. It’s the magnet that brought both of these constituencies together—industry and people. It’s sort of the font of all activities in Downriver. And it’s not just the Detroit River; it’s all the different tributaries emptying into Lake Erie. It’s a very defining, important, feature of this. It’s the thing that makes Downriver what it is.
PB: Why is the bond to this place so strong?
LF: I think it’s history. I think it’s legacy. I think it’s the kind of life that working class people were able to create there. I think it’s the proximity to the resources, natural resources that they had access to, and that they created access to.
I mean, these were things that weren’t just handed to they, they worked to do this. And once that era of deindustrialization, or as I refer to in the book, the ‘Downriver disaster’ happened, all of these things were challenged so profoundly.
I think the importance of this comes to the forefront and they realize that they’re losing more than just a job. They’re losing a way of life that they had participated in creating.
And there are certainly people who left. I quoted some people who actually did leave because of the pollution and some of the challenges of living in Downriver. Nevertheless, once this is challenged, it is a very difficult obstacle to overcome because of the loss of the tax base when firms and companies left, and something that they had personally felt that they had been participating in creating.
PB: What was the “Downriver disaster?”
LF: It was the departure of jobs, companies, corporations, and plants. These were good union jobs that allowed them to support their families and to live close to a middle-class kind of life where they can engage in the different kinds of outdoors activities, if that’s what they were interested in. It didn’t just threaten their livelihood, but it threatened an entire way of life and communities as a whole. Plants just picked up and left or went out of business. It changed the whole character of the region.
One scholar that I quote believed that it was a collective trauma. They thought, “oh, this is just a downturn. It’ll come back.” And then over time, people began to realize maybe it wasn’t. And we have to think of a different plan for the future. It was a disaster for many of the communities and certainly for the families that live there.
PB: How has Downriver managed to survive these kinds of economic and industrial upheavals?
LF: There certainly was some outmigration. There certainly was a shift to different types of employment. There have been, as I talk about at the end of my book, different ways of thinking about the future of Downriver. Ironically, using the deindustrialization as a way to promote Downriver as a place of physical beauty and a place where people can come to take advantage of that has been one arena. The creation of the Detroit River International Wildlife Refuge has been one way to do that. But there is still some industry, and that’s continuing. There have been some efforts to promote it as a good place for people to live.
Again, there’s been a lot of different strategies here. I’m not sure that there’s one silver bullet or perfect course of action. but people have been staying and trying to make Downriver a ‘go’ even through the difficulties that have happened.
PB: People don’t necessarily consider Monroe as part of Downriver because it’s not on the river, it’s on Lake Erie. Why did you include Monroe in your book?
LF: I thought about that a lot because I knew the different characterizations of Downriver and the different towns and cities that have been included in it. It was purely to tell the story that I wanted to tell.
First of all, steel is an important industry, and some of the earliest steel strikes took place in Monroe in the 1930s, which I do recount. They’re part of that steel industry history.
I also didn’t want to leave out the Fermi atomic power plant story. It’s just north of Monroe, but a lot of the opposition and a lot of the activism around it comes from the Monroe area. So again, that would have been, I think, a little artificial to leave out.
And then finally, one of my favorite organizations that I feature in the chapter on water is the Lake Erie Cleanup Committee. It emerged out of the little beach communities north of Monroe and recognized that the pollution that they experienced at Sterling State Park was a result of what was going on upstream. So, it was impossible to separate that out.
And that brought on all of the efforts to try to clean up the Detroit River, even though it was originally a clean up Lake Erie committee. A whole bunch of individuals came together— sportsmen, environmental groups, conservationists. So to me, it seemed artificial to separate out all those efforts just because they happen to be a little further down and on Lake Erie.
I hope that some of the stories that I told explain why I thought it belonged there.
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