Pro Bowl defensive end Maxx Crosby appears to have played his final snap as a member of the Las Vegas Raiders, and as a result could be wearing a new uniform in 2026.

Crosby, who has amassed 69.5 career sacks since entering the league as a fourth-round pick in 2020 and has received Pro Bowl honors five times in his career, reportedly wants out after a rocky end to the season with the Raiders.

Should Crosby actually be on the market, a logical destination would be the Detroit Lions. Crosby was born in Lapeer, Michigan, and played collegiately at Eastern Michigan. The field at EMU is named after him, and his ties to the school remain strong as he currently co-hosts a podcast with two of his former teammates.

Detroit has one of the NFL’s best EDGE rushers in Aidan Hutchinson, but have struggled to nail down a running mate for him on the opposite side of the defensive line. There’s no question that if Crosby was to join the Lions, they would have one of the most fearsome pass-rush duos in the entire NFL.

However, there are factors that would complicate the potential addition of Crosby. For starters, the Lions aren’t in the greatest salary cap standing on account of the extensions they’ve handed out to players they’ve drafted and identified as part of their core.

Crosby is currently set to make $30 million in base salary in 2026, then will begin a three-year, $106.5 million extension starting in 2027. The Eastern Michigan product will carry heavy cap hits each of the next four seasons.

Below is a breakdown of the money a new team that trades for Crosby would take on beginning in 2026 and through the duration of his contract. Crosby does not have any salary currently guaranteed beyond 2026, though his 2027 salary is set to be guaranteed in March of this year. Numbers are courtesy of Spotrac.

2026: $30.7 million ($30 million guaranteed)

2027: $29.7 million (Guarantees in March 2026)

2028: $27.8 million (Non-guaranteed)

2029: $28.2 million (Non-guaranteed)

From the Raiders’ perspective, a trade could make plenty of sense. They would take on $5 million in dead cap this year, but none in the following three on account of his extension should he be traded.

Detroit is currently in the red when it comes to cap space in 2026, sitting around -$13 million in effective cap space according to Over The Cap. They do have more space available in future years, but the books are already getting heavy and could get heavier with potential extensions for Jahmyr Gibbs, Jack Campbell, Brian Branch and Sam LaPorta potentially coming as soon as this offseason.

However, the Lions do have some room to spend over the next two years. Detroit currently is listed with just under $49.5 million in cap space for the 2027 season, and just under $110 million for the 2028 season based on Over The Cap’s estimations.

Making a trade for Crosby work would require some cap rearranging, such as cuts and restructures, but it truly is not out of the realm of possibility. While it could make extensions difficult, the Lions could certainly make a deal work and not feel it too much from a cap perspective.

For general manager Brad Holmes, it boils down to whether or not making the move is worth the shift in payroll allocation for potential extensions to bring on an elite pass-rusher for the next four seasons.

This article was produced by the staff at Detroit Lions On SI. For more, visit si.com/nfl/lions/onsi

By Jacob Richman, Tribune News Service

DETROIT — The Detroit Pistons are different than most modern NBA teams. They’re just fine with that.

It’s only Year 2 with coach J.B. Bickerstaff and president of basketball operations Trajan Langdon leading the franchise ahead, but their rapid rise to success is undeniable.

They took a team in the dregs of the league and made the playoffs in their first year and have held the top spot in the Eastern Conference since early November.

Their culture is unmistakable, focused on team accountability and an imposing defensive effort that has stifled some of the best players in the NBA this season.

So when they had a modest NBA trade deadline that involved one deal — trading Jaden Ivey to the Chicago Bulls to bring in Kevin Huerter — it didn’t look exactly like a potential finals contender going all-out for a championship.

That’s not how the Pistons believe they get to the peak of the NBA or build a team that can compete for years to come.

“It wasn’t just, for us, let’s take a shot for one year and have that impact us going forward. Philosophically that didn’t fit,” Langdon said during a press conference on Friday. “If there was a move we could make, a carry-forward move that not only helped us this year, but we could carry that thing forward. That’s kind of what we were looking for.”

The Pistons were linked to countless players at the deadline as a team with multiple expiring contracts to salary match almost any player potentially coming in for the short term and all of their first-round draft capital for the next seven years.

On paper, the Pistons could use another high-level scorer to work with star Cade Cunningham or an elite three-point shooter to help spark the offense.

Instead they potentially boosted their first-rounder in 2026 with a pick swap as part of the Ivey deal and added a rotation player in Huerter, whose gravity could help open things up on the court.

Huerter’s a decent threat from deep as a career 37% shooter, joining the NBA’s 19th-ranked three-point shooting team. His numbers dipped this season without a true playmaker beside him in Chicago, but there’s still potential for the 27-year-old to be impactful.

The moves that looked good on their face — like trying to add a player like the Brooklyn Nets’ Michael Porter Jr. — to building the prototypical finals competitor didn’t seem to interest the Pistons all that much.

“I think there’s different ways to skin a cat,” Langdon said. “And I think we’ve been doing it different, doing it on the defensive end and really getting after it. And I think we’ll continue to do that.”

Even though the last seven NBA champions have been from different teams, the Pistons don’t truly match any of them.

Their defense is top of mind, leading the NBA in steals, blocks and, yes, personal fouls with their unrelenting physical play.

It’s leading to an unusual level of success. Since 2000, only two teams — the Indiana Pacers in 2023-24 and Utah Jazz four times in the 2000s — have led the NBA in fouls per game and finished with a record above .500.

No team in NBA history has had a winning percentage over 70% while leading the league in fouls. The Pistons own a 38-13 (74.5%) record coming off a lopsided win over the New York Knicks on Friday.

Their defensive focus and energy is the heartbeat of the team and what they have confidence will make them unique for years to come.

“Not everybody has to do it the same way,” Bickerstaff said Tuesday. “I think that’s where our league has come to a point where everybody’s just trying to follow one example and do things just one way because it’s easier, right? It’s easier to justify.

“They do it and it works, so (others) can do it. But it’s not a matter of that for us. We’re confident in the group of guys that we have that, no matter what situation you put them in, they’re going to be competitive and give themselves an opportunity. ”

Offensively, Bickerstaff understands the analytics behind being a high-volume three-point shooting team. Four of the last five NBA champions were in the top 10 for three-point attempts per game and the Pistons are currently 28th.

But when it comes down to winning games, his approach remains keyed in on being consistent in finding layups, dunks, paint attempts and mid-range shots because if they shoot them well enough, it’s more valuable to match with Detroit’s brand of defense that limits possessions.

“We’re not going to panic and try to be somebody else because that’s just not the way we’re built,” Bickerstaff said.

Langdon said there were some deals out there at the deadline that did tempt him, but between other teams pulling out and the Pistons’ staff saying “now’s not the right time for that” they didn’t get particularly close to doing any other business.

The Pistons are keen on continuing to develop their young group helmed by Cunningham, All-Star center Jalen Duren and rising defensive star Ausar Thompson. Langdon plans to use the end of the season and however deep Detroit can go in the playoffs as a jumping off point after getting another season of data and experience with this group.

Cunningham is the only player on the team locked up long term and contract negotiations are coming up soon for Duren and Thompson.

The Pistons are starting to see what that trio can accomplish and they could be the core of Detroit’s future. That path forward meant the Pistons’ front office would be frugal with their commitments in the short term and leads to them going at this year’s playoffs with something of a by-committee approach to a lot of their offense.

“Sometimes it will be difficult. Sometimes we’ll have to be creative. I think what’s been good for our team is different people step up every night,” Langdon said. “Cade, obviously, has been consistent. (Duren) has taken a step. We have to have other guys be aggressive and step up at different times. We’ll have to be creative in the way we play. But I think our identity has always been defense and we can’t stop doing that.”

Detroit’s unwavering confidence in being defense first has them 4.5 games ahead of the closest team in the Eastern Conference and a real threat to reach its first NBA Finals since 2005.

For them, it wasn’t the time to introduce a heavy-hitter at the trade deadline.

The Pistons want to dig in and let the players who have bought into their distinctive style and put them in this prime position to get the opportunity to show just how far they can take it this season.

©2026 Advance Local Media LLC. Visit mlive.com. Distributed by Tribune Content Agency, LLC.

By Gavin J. Quinton, Los Angeles Times

WASHINGTON — Donald Trump’s promises on affordability in 2024 helped propel him to a second term in the White House.

Since then, Trump says, the problem has been solved: He now calls affordability a hoax perpetrated by Democrats. Yet the high cost of living, especially housing, continues to weigh heavily on voters, and has dragged down the president’s approval ratings.

In a poll conducted this month by the New York Times and Siena University, 58% of respondents said they disapprove of the way the president is handling the economy.

How the economy fares in the coming months will play an outsize role in determining whether the Democrats can build on their electoral success in 2025 and seize control of one or both chambers of Congress.

With housing costs so central to voters’ perceptions about the economy, both parties have put forward proposals in recent weeks targeting affordability. Here is a closer look at their competing plans for expanding housing and reining in costs:

How bad is the affordability crisis?

Nationwide, wages have barely crept up over the last decade — rising by 21.24% between 2014 and 2024, according to the Federal Reserve. Over the same period, rent and home sale prices more than doubled, and healthcare and grocery costs rose 71.5% and 37.35%, respectively, according to the Fed.

National home price-to-income ratios are at an all-time high, and coastal states like California and Hawaii are the most extreme examples.

Housing costs in California are about twice the national average, according to the state Legislative Analyst’s Office, which said prices have increased at “historically rapid rates” in recent years. The median California home sold for $877,285 in 2024, according to the California Assn. of Realtors, compared with about $420,000 nationwide, per Federal Reserve economic data.

California needs to add 180,000 housing units annually to keep up with demand, according to the state Department of Housing. So far, California has fallen short of those goals and has just begun to see success in reducing its homeless population, which sat at 116,000 unsheltered people in 2025.

What do the polls say?

More than two-thirds of Americans surveyed in a Gallup poll last month said they felt the economy was getting worse, and 36% expressed approval for the president — the lowest total since his second term began.

The poll found that 47% of U.S. adults now describe current economic conditions as “poor,” up from 40% just a month prior and the highest since Trump took office. Just 21% said economic conditions were either “excellent” or “good,” while 31% described them as “only fair.”

An Associated Press poll found that only 16% of Republicans think Trump has helped “a lot” in fixing cost of living problems.

What have the Democrats proposed?

The party is pushing measures to expand the supply of housing, and cut down on what they call “restrictive” single-family zoning in favor of denser development.

Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer (D-N.Y.) said Democrats plan to “supercharge” construction through bills like California Sen. Adam Schiff’s Housing BOOM Act, which he introduced in December.

Schiff said the bill would lower prices by stimulating the development of “millions of affordable homes.” The proposal would expand low-income housing tax credits, set aside funds for rental assistance and homelessness, and provide $10 billion in housing subsidies for “middle-income” workers such as teachers, police officers and firefighters.

The measure has not been heard in committee, and faces long odds in the Republican-controlled body, though Schiff said inaction on the proposal could be used against opponents.

And the Republicans?

A group of 190 House Republicans this month unveiled a successor proposal to the “Big Beautiful Bill,” the sprawling tax and spending plan approved and signed into law by Trump in July.

The Republican Study Committee described the proposal as an affordability package aimed at lowering down payments, enacting mortgage reforms and creating more tax breaks.

Leaders of the group said it would reduce the budget deficit by $1 trillion and could pass with a simple majority.

“This blueprint … locks in President Trump’s deregulatory agenda through the only process Democrats can’t block: reconciliation,” said Rep. August Pfluger, R-Texas, who chairs the group. “We have 11 months of guaranteed majorities. We’re not wasting a single day.”

Though the proposal has not yet been introduced as legislation, Republicans said it would include a mechanism to revoke funding from blue states over rent control and immigration policy, which they calculated would save $48 billion.

President Trump has endorsed a $200-billion mortgage bond stimulus, which he said would drive down mortgage rates and monthly payments. And the White House, which oversees Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac — the two enterprises that back most U.S. mortgages — continues to push the idea of portable and assumable mortgages.

Trump said the move would allow buyers to keep their existing mortgage rate or enable new homeowners to assume a previous owner’s mortgage.

The Department of Justice, meanwhile, has launched a criminal investigation into Federal Reserve Chair Jerome Powell over the Fed’s renovation costs, as Trump bashed him over “his never ending quest to keep interest rates high.”

The president also vowed to revoke federal funding to states over a wealth of issues such as child care and immigration policy.

“This is not about any particular policy that they think is harmful,” California Democratic Rep. Laura Friedman said. “This is about Trump’s always trying to find a way to punish blue states.”

Is there any alignment?

The two parties are cooperating on companion measures in the House and Senate.

The bipartisan ROAD to Housing Act seeks to expand housing supply by easing regulatory barriers. It passed the Senate unanimously and has support from the White House, but House Republicans have balked, and it has yet to receive a floor vote.

A bipartisan proposal — the Housing in the 21st Century Act — was approved by the House Financial Services Committee by a 50-1 vote in December. It also has yet to receive a floor vote.

The bill is similar to its twin in the Senate, with Rep. French Hill (R-Ark.) working across the aisle with Rep. Maxine Waters (D-Los Angeles). If approved, it would cut permitting times, support manufactured-housing development and expand financing tools for low-income housing developers.

There was also a recent moment of unusual alignment between the president and California Gov. Gavin Newsom, who both promised to crack down on corporate home buying.

What do the experts say?

Housing experts recoiled at GOP proposals to bar housing dollars from sanctuary jurisdictions and cities that impose rent control.

“Any conditioning on HUD funding that sets up rules that explicitly carve out blue cities is going to be really catastrophic for California’s larger urban areas,” said David Garcia, deputy director of policy at UC Berkeley’s Terner Center for Housing Innovation.

More than 35 cities in California have rent control policies, according to the California Apartment Assn. The state passed its own rent stabilization law in 2019, and lawmakers approved a California sanctuary law in 2017 that prohibits state resources from aiding federal immigration enforcement.

The agenda comes on the heels of a series of HUD spending cuts, including a 30% cap on permanent housing investments and the end of a federal emergency housing voucher program that local homelessness officials estimate would put 14,500 people on the streets.

In Los Angeles County, HUD dollars make up about 28% of homelessness funding.

“It would undermine a lot of the bipartisan efforts that are happening in the House and the Senate to move evidence-backed policy to increase housing supply and stabilize rents and home prices,” Garcia said.

The president’s mortgage directives also prompted skepticism from some experts.

“Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac were pressed to get into the riskier parts of the mortgage market back in the housing bubble and that was a part of the problem,” said Eric McGhee, a researcher at the Public Policy Institute of California.

©2026 Los Angeles Times. Visit at latimes.com. Distributed by Tribune Content Agency, LLC.

By Claudia Boyd-Barrett, Oona Zenda, KFF Health News

Lydia Romero strained to hear her husband’s feeble voice through the phone.

A week earlier, immigration agents had grabbed Julio César Peña from his front yard in Glendale, California. Now, he was in a hospital after suffering a ministroke. He was shackled to the bed by his hand and foot, he told Romero, and agents were in the room, listening to the call. He was scared he would die and wanted his wife there.

“What hospital are you at?” Romero asked.

“I can’t tell you,” he replied.

Viridiana Chabolla, Peña’s attorney, couldn’t get an answer to that question, either. Peña’s deportation officer and the medical contractor at the Adelanto ICE Processing Center refused to tell her. Exasperated, she tried calling a nearby hospital, Providence St. Mary Medical Center.

“They said even if they had a person in ICE custody under their care, they wouldn’t be able to confirm whether he’s there or not, that only ICE can give me the information,” Chabolla said. The hospital confirmed this policy to KFF Health News.

Family members and attorneys for patients hospitalized after being detained by federal immigration officials said they are facing extreme difficulty trying to locate patients, get information about their well-being, and provide them emotional and legal support. They say many hospitals refuse to provide information or allow contact with these patients. Instead, hospitals allow immigration officers to call the shots on how much — if any — contact is allowed, which can deprive patients of their constitutional right to seek legal advice and leave them vulnerable to abuse, attorneys said.

Hospitals say they are trying to protect the safety and privacy of patients, staff, and law enforcement officials, even while hospital employees in Los Angeles, Minneapolis, and Portland, Oregon, cities where Immigration and Customs Enforcement has conducted immigration raids, say it’s made their jobs difficult. Hospitals have used what are sometimes called blackout procedures, which can include registering a patient under a pseudonym, removing their name from the hospital directory, or prohibiting staff from even confirming that a patient is in the hospital.

“We’ve heard incidences of this blackout process being used at multiple hospitals across the state, and it’s very concerning,” said Shiu-Ming Cheer, the deputy director of immigrant and racial justice at the California Immigrant Policy Center, an advocacy group.

Some Democratic-led states, including California, Colorado, and Maryland, have enacted legislation that seeks to protect patients from immigration enforcement in hospitals. However, those policies do not address protections for people already in ICE custody.

More detainees hospitalized

Peña is among more than 350,000 people arrested by federal immigration authorities since President Donald Trump returned to the White House. As arrests and detentions have climbed, so too have reports of people taken to hospitals by immigration agents because of illness or injury — due to preexisting conditions or problems stemming from their arrest or detention.

ICE has faced criticism for using aggressive and deadly tactics, as well as for reports of mistreatment and inadequate medical care at its facilities. Sen. Adam Schiff, D-Calif., told reporters at a Jan. 20 news conference outside a detention center he visited in California City that he spoke to a diabetic woman held there who had not received treatment in two months.

While there are no publicly available statistics on the number of people sick or injured in ICE detention, the agency’s news releases point to 32 people who died in immigration custody in 2025. Six more have died this year.

The Department of Homeland Security, which oversees ICE, did not respond to a request for information about its policies or Peña’s case.

According to ICE’s guidelines, people in custody should be given access to a telephone, visits from family and friends, and private consultation with legal counsel. The agency can make administrative decisions, including about visitation, when a patient is in the hospital, but should defer to hospital policies on contacting next of kin when a patient is seriously ill, the guidelines state.

Asked in detail about hospital practices related to patients in immigration custody and whether there are best practices that hospitals should follow, Ben Teicher, a spokesperson for the American Hospital Association, declined to comment.

David Simon, a spokesperson for the California Hospital Association, said that “there are times when hospitals will — at the request of law enforcement — maintain confidentiality of patients’ names and other identifying characteristics.”

Although policies vary, members of the public can typically call a hospital and ask for a patient by name to find out whether they’re there, and often be transferred to the patient’s room, said William Weber, an emergency physician in Minneapolis and medical director for the Medical Justice Alliance, which advocates for the medical needs of people in law enforcement custody. Family members and others authorized by the patient can visit. And medical staff routinely call relatives to let them know a loved one is in the hospital, or to ask for information that could help with their care.

But when a patient is in law enforcement custody, hospitals frequently agree to restrict this kind of information sharing and access, Weber said. The rationale is that these measures prevent unauthorized outsiders from threatening the patient or law enforcement personnel, given that hospitals lack the security infrastructure of a prison or detention center. High-profile patients such as celebrities sometimes also request this type of protection.

Several attorneys and health care providers questioned the need for such restrictions. Immigration detention is civil, not criminal, detention. The Trump administration says it’s focused on arresting and deporting criminals, yet most of those arrested have no criminal conviction, according to data compiled by the Transactional Records Access Clearinghouse and several news outlets.

Taken outside his home

According to Peña’s wife, Romero, he has no criminal record. Peña came to the United States from Mexico in sixth grade and has an adult son in the U.S. military. The 43-year-old has terminal kidney disease and survived a heart attack in November. He has trouble walking and is partially blind, his wife said. He was detained Dec. 8 while resting outside after coming home from dialysis treatment.

Initially, Romero was able to find her husband through the ICE Online Detainee Locator System. She visited him at a temporary holding facility in downtown Los Angeles, bringing him his medicines and a sweater. She then saw he’d been moved to the Adelanto detention center. But the locator did not show where he was after he was hospitalized.

When she and other relatives drove to the detention facility to find him, they were turned away, she said. Romero received occasional calls from her husband in the hospital but said they were less than 10 minutes long and took place under ICE surveillance. She wanted to know where he was so she could be at the hospital to hold his hand, make sure he was well cared for, and encourage him to stay strong, she said.

Shackling him and preventing him from seeing his family was unfair and unnecessary, she said.

“He’s weak,” Romero said. “It’s not like he’s going to run away.”

ICE guidelines say contact and visits from family and friends should be allowed “within security and operational constraints.” Detainees have a constitutional right to speak confidentially with an attorney. Weber said immigration authorities should tell attorneys where their clients are and allow them to talk in person or use an unmonitored phone line.

Hospitals, though, fall into a gray area on enforcing these rights, since they are primarily focused on treating medical needs, Weber said. Still, he added, hospitals should ensure their policies align with the law.

Family denied access

Numerous immigration attorneys have spent weeks trying to locate clients detained by ICE, with their efforts sometimes thwarted by hospitals.

Nicolas Thompson-Lleras, a Los Angeles attorney who counsels immigrants facing deportation, said two of his clients were registered under aliases at different hospitals in Los Angeles County last year. Initially, the hospitals denied the clients were there and refused to let Thompson-Lleras meet with them, he said. Family members were also denied access, he said.

One of his clients was Bayron Rovidio Marin, a car wash worker injured during a raid in August. Immigration agents surveilled him for over a month at Harbor-UCLA Medical Center, a county-run facility, without charging him.

In November, the Los Angeles County Board of Supervisors voted to curb the use of blackout policies for patients under civil immigration custody at county-run hospitals. In a statement, Arun Patel, the chief patient safety and clinical risk management officer for the Los Angeles County Department of Health Services, said the policies are designed to reduce safety risks for patients, doctors, nurses, and custody officers.

“In some situations, there may be concerns about threats to the patient, attempts to interfere with medical care, unauthorized visitors, or the introduction of contraband,” Patel said. “Our goal is not to restrict care but to allow care to happen safely and without disruption.”

Leaving patients vulnerable

Thompson-Lleras said he’s concerned that hospitals are cooperating with federal immigration authorities at the expense of patients and their families and leaving patients vulnerable to abuse.

“It allows people to be treated suboptimally,” Thompson-Lleras said. “It allows people to be treated on abbreviated timelines, without supervision, without family intervention or advocacy. These people are alone, disoriented, being interrogated, at least in Bayron’s case, under pain and influence of medication.”

Such incidents are alarming to hospital workers. In Los Angeles, two health care professionals who asked not to be identified by KFF Health News, out of concern for their livelihoods, said that ICE and hospital administrators, at public and private hospitals, frequently block staff from contacting family members for people in custody, even to find out about their health conditions or what medications they’re on. That violates medical ethics, they said.

Blackout procedures are another concern.

“They help facilitate, whether intentionally or not, the disappearance of patients,” said one worker, a physician for the county’s Department of Health Services and part of a coalition of concerned health workers from across the region.

At Legacy Emanuel Medical Center in Portland, nurses publicly expressed outrage over what they saw as hospital cooperation with ICE and the flouting of patient rights. Legacy Health has sent a cease and desist letter to the nurses’ union, accusing it of making “false or misleading statements.”

“I was really disgusted,” said Blaire Glennon, a nurse who quit her job at the hospital in December. She said numerous patients were brought to the hospital by ICE with serious injuries they sustained while being detained. “I felt like Legacy was doing massive human rights violations.”

Handcuffed while unconscious

Two days before Christmas, Chabolla, Peña’s attorney, received a call from ICE with the answer she and Romero had been waiting for. Peña was at Victor Valley Global Medical Center, about 10 miles from Adelanto, and about to be released.

Excited, Romero and her family made the two-hour-plus drive from Glendale to the hospital to take him home.

When they got there, they found Peña intubated and unconscious, his arm and leg still handcuffed to the hospital bed. He’d had a severe seizure on Dec. 20, but no one had told his family or legal team, his attorney said.

Tim Lineberger, a spokesperson for Victor Valley Global Medical Center’s parent company, KPC Health, said he could not comment on specific patient cases, because of privacy protections. He said the hospital’s policies on patient information disclosure comply with state and federal law.

Peña was finally cleared to go home on Jan. 5. No court date has been set, and his family is filing a petition to adjust his legal status based on his son’s military service. For now, he still faces deportation proceedings.

©2026 KFF Health News. Distributed by Tribune Content Agency, LLC.

By Susan Jaffe, KFF Health News

Ever since Larry Wilkewitz retired more than 20 years ago from a wood products company, he’s had a commercial Medicare Advantage plan from the insurer Humana.

But two years ago, he heard about Peak Health, a new Advantage plan started by the West Virginia University Health System, where his doctors practice. It was cheaper and offered more personal attention, plus extras such as an allowance for over-the-counter pharmacy items. Those benefits are more important than ever, he said, as he’s treated for cancer.

“I decided to give it a shot,” said Wilkewitz, 79. “If I didn’t like it, I could go back to Humana or whatever after a year.”

He’s sticking with Peak Health. Members of Medicare Advantage plans, a privately run alternative to the government’s Medicare program, can change plans through the end of March.

Now entering its third year, Peak Health has tripled its enrollment since last year, to “north of 10,000,” said Amos Ross, its president. It expanded from 20 counties to 49, he said, and moved into parts of western Pennsylvania for the first time.

Although hospital-owned plans are only a sliver of the Medicare Advantage market, their enrollment continues to grow, reflecting the overall increase in Advantage members. Of the 62.8 million Medicare beneficiaries eligible to join Advantage plans, 54% signed up last year, according to KFF, the health information nonprofit that includes KFF Health News. While the number of Advantage plans owned by hospital systems is relatively stable, Mass General Brigham in Boston and others are expanding their service areas and types of plan offerings.

Health systems have dabbled in the insurance business for years, but it’s not for everyone. MedStar Health, serving the greater Washington, D.C., area, said it closed its Medicare Advantage plan at the end of 2018, citing financial losses.

“It’s a ton of work,” said Ross, who spent more than a decade in the commercial health insurance industry.

Like any other health insurer, hospitals entering the business need a back-office infrastructure to enroll patients, sign up providers, fill prescriptions, process claims, hire staff, and — most importantly — assure state regulators they have a reserve of money to pay claims. Once they get a state insurance license, they need approval from the federal Centers for Medicare & Medicaid Services to sell Medicare Advantage policies. Some systems affiliate with or create an insurance subsidiary, and others do most of the job themselves.

Kaiser Permanente, the nation’s largest nonprofit health system by revenue, started an experimental Medicare plan in 1981 and now has nearly 2 million people enrolled in dozens of Advantage plans in eight states and the District of Columbia. The Justice Department announced Jan. 14 that KP had agreed to pay $556 million to settle accusations that its Advantage plans fraudulently billed the government for about $1 billion over a nine-year period.

Last year, UCLA Health introduced two Medicare Advantage plans in Los Angeles County, the most populous county in the United States. Other new hospital-owned plans have cropped up in less profitable rural areas.

“These are communities that have been very hard for insurers to move into,” said Molly Smith, group vice president for public policy at the American Hospital Association.

But Advantage plans offered by hospitals have a familiar, trusted name. They don’t have to move into town, because their owners — the hospitals — never left.

Bad Breakups

Medicare Advantage plans usually restrict their members to a network of doctors, hospitals, and other clinicians that have contracts with the plans to serve them. But if hospitals and plans can’t agree to renew those contracts, or when disputes flare up — often spurred by payment delays, denials, or burdensome prior authorization rules — the health care providers can drop out.

These breakups, plus planned terminations and service area cuts, forced more than 3.7 million Medicare Advantage enrollees to make a tough choice last year: find new insurance for 2026 that their doctors accept or, if possible, keep their plan but find new doctors.

About 1 million of these stranded patients had coverage from UnitedHealthcare, the country’s largest health insurer. In a July earnings update for financial analysts, chief financial officer John Rex blamed the company’s retreat on hospitals, where “most encounters are intensifying in services and costing more.”

The turbulence in the commercial insurance market has upset patients as well as their providers. Sometimes contract disputes have been fought out in the open, with anxious patients in the middle receiving warnings from each side blaming the other for the imminent end to coverage.

When Fred Neary, 88, learned his doctors in the Baylor Scott & White Health system in central and northern Texas would be leaving his Medicare Advantage plan, he was afraid the same thing could happen again if he joined a plan from another commercial insurer. Then he discovered that the 53-hospital system had its own Medicare Advantage plan. He enrolled in 2025 and is keeping the plan this year.

“It was very important to me that I would never have to worry about switching over to another plan because they would not accept my Baylor Scott & White doctors,” he said.

Eugene Rich, a senior fellow at Mathematica, a health policy research group, said hospital systems’ Medicare Advantage plans offer “a lot of stability for patients.”

“You’re not suddenly going to discover that your primary care physician or your cardiologist are no longer in the plan,” he said.

A Health Affairs study that Rich co-authored in July found that enrollment in Advantage plans owned by hospital systems grew faster than traditional Medicare enrollment for the first time in 2023, though not as rapidly as the overall rise in sign-ups for all Advantage plans.

The massive UCLA Health system introduced its two Medicare Advantage plans in Los Angeles County in January 2025, even though patients already had a list of more than 70 Advantage plans to choose from. Before rolling out the plan, the University of California Board of Regents discussed its merits at a November 2024 meeting. The meeting minutes offer rare insight into a conversation that private hospital systems would usually hold behind closed doors.

“As increasing numbers of Medicare-enrolled patients turn to new Medicare Advantage plans, UC Health’s experience with these new plans has not been good, either for patients or providers,” the minutes read, summarizing comments by David Rubin, executive vice president of UC Health.

The minutes also describe comments from Jonathon Arrington, CFO of UCLA Health. “Over the years, in order to care for Medicare Advantage patients, UCLA has entered numerous contracts with other payers, and these contracts have generally not worked out well,” the minutes read. “Every two or three years, UCLA has found itself terminating a contract and signing a new one. Patients have remained loyal to UCLA, some going through three iterations of cancelled contracts in order to remain with UCLA Health.”

Costs to Taxpayers

CMS pays Advantage plans a monthly fixed amount to care for each enrollee based on the member’s health condition and location. In 2024, the federal government paid Advantage plans an estimated $494 billion to care for patients, according to the Medicare Payment Advisory Commission, which monitors the program for Congress.

The commission said this month that it projects insurers in 2026 will be paid 14%, or about $76 billion, more than it would have cost government-run Medicare to care for similar patients.

Many Democratic lawmakers have criticized overpayments to Medicare Advantage insurers, though the program has bipartisan congressional support because of its increasing popularity with Medicare beneficiaries, who are often attracted by dental care and other coverage unavailable through traditional Medicare.

Whenever Congress threatens cuts, insurers claim these generous federal payments are essential to keep Medicare Advantage plans afloat. UCLA Health’s Advantage plans will need at least 15,000 members to be financially sustainable, according to the meeting minutes. CMS data indicates that 7,337 patients signed up in 2025.

A study published in JAMA Surgery in August compared patients in commercial Medicare Advantage who had major surgery with those covered by Medicare Advantage plans owned by their hospital. The latter group had fewer complications, said co-author Thomas Tsai, an associate professor in the Department of Health Policy and Management at the Harvard T.H. Chan School of Public Health.

Smith, of the American Hospital Association, isn’t surprised. When insurers and hospitals are not on opposite sides, she said, care delivery can be smoother. “There’s more flexibility to manage premium dollars to cover services that maybe wouldn’t otherwise be covered,” Smith said.

But Tsai warns seniors that hospital-owned Medicare Advantage plans operate under the same rules as those run by commercial health insurance companies. He said patients should consider whether the extra benefits of Advantage plans “are worth the trade-off of potentially narrow provider networks and more utilization management than they would get from traditional Medicare.”

In Texas, Neary hopes the closer relationship between his doctors and his insurance plan means there’s less of a chance that bills for his medical care will be kicked back.

“I don’t think I would run into a situation where they would not provide coverage if one of their own doctors recommended something,” he said.

©2026 Kaiser Health News. Visit khn.org. Distributed by Tribune Content Agency, LLC. ©2026 KFF Health News. Distributed by Tribune Content Agency, LLC.

By CATHY BUSSEWITZ, Wellness Writer

NEW YORK (AP) — Barbara Goldberg brings a stack of newspapers to the office every day. The CEO of a Florida public relations firm scours stories for developments relevant to her clients while relishing holding the pages in her hand. “I want to touch it, feel it, turn the page and see the photos,” Goldberg said.

Generation Z employees at O’Connell & Goldberg don’t get her devotion to newsprint when so much information is available online and constantly updated, she said. They came of age with smartphones in hand. And they spot trends on TikTok or Instagram that baby boomers like Goldberg might miss, she said.

The staff’s disparate media consumption habits become clear at a weekly Monday staff meeting. It was originally intended to discuss how the news of the day might impact the firm’s clients, Goldberg said. But instead of news stories, the conversation often turns to the latest slang, digital tools and memes.

The first time it happened, she listened without judgment, and thought, “Shoot, this is actually really insightful. I need to know the trending audio and I need to know these influencers.” Of her younger colleagues, she said, “they know the cultural conversation that I wasn’t thinking about.”

With at least five generations participating in the U.S. workforce, co-workers can at times feel like they speak different languages. The ways people born decades apart approach tasks may create misunderstandings. But some workplaces are turning the natural divides between age groups into a competitive advantage through reverse mentoring programs that recognize the strengths each generation brings to work and uses them to build mutual skills and respect.

Unlike traditional mentorships that involve an older person sharing wisdom with a younger colleague, reverse mentoring affords less experienced staff members the opportunity to teach seasoned colleagues about new trends and technologies.

“The generational differences, to me, are something to leverage. It’s like a superpower,” Goldberg said. “It’s where the magic happens.”

Here are some ways to make the most of a multigenerational workplace.

Mentoring up

Beauty product company Estée Lauder began a reverse mentoring program globally a decade ago when its managers realized consumers were rapidly getting beauty tips from social media influencers instead of department stores, said Peri Izzo, an executive director who oversaw the initiative.

The voluntary program now has roughly 1,200 participants. The mentors are millennials, born 1981 to 1986, and Gen Zers, born starting in 1997. They’re paired with mentees who are part of the U.S. baby boom of 1946 to 1964, and members of Generation X, born 1965 to 1980, according to the generational definitions of the Pew Research Center.

At the start of a new mentoring relationship, participants do icebreaker activities like a Gen Z vocabulary quiz. The young mentors take phrases they use with friends in group chats and quiz older colleagues about what they mean, said Izzo, who at age 33 qualifies as a young millennial. For example, if a Gen Zer says something is “living rent-free in your head,” it refers to someone or something that constantly occupies your thoughts.

“Most of the mentees knew what it was, but then one mentee’s reaction was, ‘Oh I get it, my son lives rent-free in my house,’ and everyone thought it was so funny because they were like, ‘You really don’t understand the context that it’s being used on TikTok and amongst millennial and Gen Z,’” Izzo said.

Madison Reynolds, 26, a product manager on the technology team at Estée Lauder, is a Gen Zer and serves as a reverse mentor in the program. She and her contemporaries teach their older colleagues phrases such as “You ate it up,” which means you did a good job. When her manager tries out Gen Z phrases, Reynolds offers feedback, saying, “No, that’s not right,” or “You got it.”

Give and take

When 81-year-old hotelier Bruce Haines brought in athletes from Lehigh University’s wrestling team to participate in a mentorship program at the Historic Hotel Bethlehem in Pennsylvania, he taught them about entrepreneurship by having the students shadow managers in various departments. He also gained valuable marketing insights from the students, which he hadn’t anticipated.

“It’s been energizing for me. It’s almost reinvigorating,” Haines, the hotel’s managing partner, said. “We tended to be Facebook-focused. We’re a luxury destination hotel, so we tend to be an older crowd that we’re reaching. They enhanced our marketing by alerting us that we need to be on Instagram and YouTube and get out there and reach the younger people.”

The students also suggested offering prepackaged pints of ice cream to the hotel’s in-house parlor because their contemporaries didn’t want to wait around for cones. “We were really missing out, and it’s truly increased our ice cream sales and our profitability,” Haines said.

Old-fashioned people skills

Carson Celio, 26, is an account supervisor at the PR firm Goldberg leads. She’s part of the cohort that advises the CEO about what’s trending on TikTok and what’s over with. She says Goldberg has taught her how to successfully work a room and spark conversations that feel natural and organic.

Celio was a sophomore in college when COVID-19 hit, which pushed most of her classes online, including a public speaking course. “We have spent so much time online and conducting meetings over Zoom or Teams.” As a result, in-person networking can feel overwhelming to her generation, she said. “Learning the value of actually being face to face with people and building those connections — Barbara has helped me a lot with that.”

A text or a tome

At Harvard Medical Faculty Physicians, a medical group that employs 2,400 doctors in eastern Massachusetts, Dr. Alexa B. Kimball adapts her communication style to a range of age groups. Some mature clinicians send very long emails, which can be unproductive.

“When you have an email conversation that’s in its 15th response, that tells you you should pick up the phone,” Kimball, the group’s CEO, said. On the other extreme, some of the youngest trainees communicate with six-word texts, she said.

A reverse mentoring program that teachers doctors about different communication styles helped when the practice launched a new medical records system that required 14 hours of training. Following the training, Kimball paired workers with more tech-savvy colleagues, who tended to be younger, to provide support.

Phased retirement

Robert Poole, 62, is the only person at health care technology company Abbott who manages the laser used to create nearly microscopic components of a cardiovascular device. Since he’s approaching retirement, Abbott hired Shahad Almahania, 33, an equipment engineer, to work alongside him and absorb some of his decades of knowledge.

“The equipment is all custom, so it takes a long time to learn how to run it and keep it running,” Poole said.

Poole, who began working in the 1980s, said he also learns from Almahania. When Abbott removed landline telephones five years ago, he migrated to group chats like Slack, asking her for help deciphering the meaning of emojis.

“When you strip away all the generational stereotypes, … every age group, every person, is looking for some of the same things,” said Leena Rinne, vice president at online learning platform Skillsoft. “They want supportive leadership. They want the opportunity to grow and to contribute in their workplace. They want respect and clarity.”

Share your stories and questions about workplace wellness at cbussewitz@ap.org. Follow AP’s Be Well coverage, focusing on wellness, fitness, diet and mental health at https://apnews.com/hub/be-well

SAN FRANCISCO — The most relevant figure to Super Bowl LX is absent from it. The game will be played in his former home stadium, in the place where his protest made him a national lightning rod and a global symbol. The social issues swirling around America’s largest sporting spectacle carry distinct echoes of what prompted his actions and what led to his exile. And yet he remains outside the conversation and invisible within the confines of the NFL.

Colin Kaepernick might as well be a ghost.

“Colin Kaepernick?” Seattle Seahawks safety Julian Love said this week, as if hearing a name he had not considered in a long time. “Oh, wow.”

This summer will bring the 10-year anniversary of the first time Kaepernick sat as the national anthem played before a preseason San Francisco 49ers game. He soon switched to a kneeling position out of respect for military members. The image of Kaepernick on a knee became a worldwide emblem of protest against police violence and racial injustice, and a tempest that led to unwanted political entanglement for the NFL, fierce ire from the political right and Kaepernick’s ostracism from professional football.

The current moment and the Super Bowl’s location provide a platform to examine the legacies of Kaepernick’s protest. Kaepernick served as a flash point, and even as he semi-receded from public life, his influence hovers over the league as an example of both courage and consequences.

“He made a decision to talk about something other than football that ultimately resulted in every player in the National Football League kneeling when the president of the United States called all of their mothers a b—-,” said DeMaurice Smith, who was the NFL Players Association executive director during Kaepernick’s protest. “For a guy that literally begged for players to engage in collective action, Colin was more successful than I ever was.”

Assessing Kaepernick’s legacy also means grappling with the backlash. He raised awareness on issues the country had long ignored, several years before the nation’s racial reckoning in the wake of George Floyd’s killing. His boldness and prescience did not ensure triumph. Donald Trump, the president who referred to players who knelt as “that son of a b—-,” won reelection. Mass demonstrations have erupted in multiple cities against the tactics of federal policing forces and immigration agents, culminating with the killings of U.S. citizens Renée Good and Alex Pretti at the hands of federal agents.

“The problems he knelt against haven’t improved,” said Vann Graves, the executive director of Virginia Commonwealth University’s Brandcenter, which studies advertising and the branding industry. “They’ve metastasized.”

Even as it stands astride American culture, the NFL has managed to sidestep involvement in the widespread national tension. Players have largely remained silent. Denver Broncos offensive lineman Quinn Meinerz wrote “Abolish ICE” in a since-deleted Instagram story, but experts have not seen current players pick up Kaepernick’s mantle. It has not been a topic at the Super Bowl. Kaepernick’s exclusion from the league created “a chilling effect” on players, Villanova sociology professor Glenn Bracey said.

Kaepernick’s protest “permanently changed the boundaries of what the league will tolerate,” said Michigan State professor Christina Myers, who has written extensively about race and sports. “Kaepernick forced the NFL – and the country overall, really – to confront police violence and racial injustices on football’s stage. And in doing so, he exposed how tightly the league links patriotism, profit and control. His protest made racial injustice impossible to ignore, but it also triggered a backlash so severe that it’s functioned as a warning.

“The league officially absorbed his language – slogans like ‘Inspire Change’ – while rejecting his message and himself. That co-optation is part of his legacy – activism rebranded as corporate messaging, stripped of disruption. We are seeing those elements as it relates to the players.”

The NFL’s monocultural dominance and historic, perhaps inherent ties to patriotism for years frequently placed the league inevitably in the crosshairs of political storms. Kaepernick’s protest inflamed those ties, to the league’s financial detriment. In the fall of 2017, a nationwide poll conducted by The Washington Post and the University of Massachusetts at Lowell found that 17 percent of fans who said their interest in the NFL had decreased specifically cited anthem protests or Kaepernick – a greater cause than head injuries or violence. Owners treated fan sentiment as a crisis.

In the decade since, the NFL has flowed with political and cultural shifts. After the killing of George Floyd, the league released a statement that players roundly criticized as perfunctory and unacceptable. In alignment with the national racial reckoning of the moment, Commissioner Roger Goodell responded with a video in which he apologized and said, “We, the National Football League, believe Black Lives Matter.” Goodell may have been acting out of his personal moral imperative as opposed to the will of the NFL’s team owners, from whom all the league’s power truly flows. But it still shifted how the league publicly presented itself. The league also committed to donate $90 million to social justice initiatives.

Ultimately, the NFL has seemingly attempted to separate itself from social activism and political matters. Last year, in the first Super Bowl after Trump’s second inauguration, the NFL changed the motto it stenciled in the end zones from “End Racism” to “Choose Love.” The league insisted it made the switch in response to recent tragedies, including a mass killing in New Orleans.

To many, the change appeared to be a reflection of how the league – and specifically the league’s owners – viewed the promotion of social justice slogans from their introduction.

“Nobody called me when I was the [executive director] and said, ‘Hey man, we’ve come to grips with our White male fragility and are now understanding the whole system is rigged and gosh darn it, we’re going to do something about it,’” Smith said. “Nobody gave me that call. When they do put it in, why would I be so naive to believe they had come to some sort of self-awakening? And if they decide to take it out, why would I ever believe they are reneging on said awakening?”

NFL spokesman Brian McCarthy did not respond to multiple messages.

The league remains selective in how it interfaces with societal issues. The NFL instructed the Green Bay Packers to hold a moment of silence for conservative firebrand Charlie Kirk before a Thursday night game the day after his murder last fall, and that Sunday several NFL teams held moments of silence of their own volition. At the Super Bowl, players will wear a jersey patch commemorating the 250th anniversary of America, and the same logo will be imprinted on the ball.

The Minnesota Vikings joined a letter signed by dozens of local businesses calling for the “immediate de-escalation of tensions” in Minneapolis. The NFL has released no statements about federal agents shooting and killing U.S. citizens in that city.

Kaepernick himself maintains a limited public profile. He rarely gives media interviews. He collaborated with Spike Lee on a multipart documentary tentatively titled “Da Saga of Colin Kaepernick,” which was set to appear on ESPN before production was halted last summer. Kaepernick and his wife have written multiple children’s books. His activism focuses mostly on his Know Your Rights Camp, which deals with youth education and enrichment.

“Kaepernick has become a symbol rather than a participant,” Myers said. He’s “become this moral reference point rather than an active quarterback.”

At the Super Bowl hosted by his former team, Kaepernick was rarely broached. When asked about him, current players viewed Kaepernick with reverence.

“Oh, yeah, Colin Kaepernick,” Seattle star wide receiver Jaxon Smith-Njigba said. “I mean, a legend. Definitely respect him and all the things he was able to do on the field and fight for off the field. I have a lot of respect for him. It takes a lot to stand up for what you believe in. As long as it’s not causing danger and harm and stuff like that, I can go for it.”

“It’s bigger than football,” Love said. “It’s a legacy of standing on what you believe in and just being unapologetic about it. It goes along with his message, but it goes along with a lot of things that are going on today. He had to do it alone a lot of the time. I was probably in high school when that was going on. But it’s as prevalent now as it was back then.”

The NFL has dodged any controversy or connection to current events. Even within its own sphere, issues of diversity and inclusion have been de-emphasized. Last week, the surprise of Bill Belichick missing induction into the Hall of Fame garnered more coverage and outrage than the NFL’s coaching cycle ending with no Black coaches hired for 10 openings.

“The silence there is very, very loud from athletes both in and outside of Minneapolis,” said Ayesha Bell Hardaway, director of Case Western Reserve University’s Social Justice Institute. “That, too, is Colin’s legacy. The impact of him paying that consequence, we should all wonder if what he had to endure has made others feel as if they cannot speak out and therefore not speak out.”

“The uncomfortable truth is that Kaepernick’s impact on the NFL was ultimately contained,” Graves said. “The protest was absorbed, metabolized and excreted as corporate social responsibility.”

Kaepernick resonated differently in 2017 than he does today, just as he will resonate differently 50 years from now. At the moment, his aims appear just as far from being met – if not further – than when he knelt. But that, to many supporters, is wholly beside the point.

“Leaders write a story going forward, and the rest of us read a book that was written backward,” Smith said. “A trailblazer’s courage lies in not knowing the ending. You do it going forward in the hope that it makes a positive difference. What Colin did was far too noble, far too brave and far too visionary for him to be judged by anybody else’s sense of backlash.”

In some ways, the ebb of Kaepernick’s influence may have been foreseeable. In January 2020, University of California at Berkeley sociology professor Harry Edwards led a reporter through an exhibit about the Olympic Project for Human Rights, which he helped organize, at the San Jose Museum of Art.

“One of the things that is clear is that all such movements, they come with an expiration date on them, and it’s six years,” Edwards said then. “In six years, it’s over. This thing with Kaepernick has run out of time.”

For the youngest NFL players, who were not even high-schoolers in 2016, Colin Kaepernick is a quarterback who was exiled after kneeling during the national anthem, and Donald Trump is a politician who runs for president every four years and usually wins. Players in their early 20s know what Kaepernick did and what happened to him, but they may not understand the gravity of his protest.

“I am afraid that he isn’t staying in young people’s minds in the way that would be helpful,” Bracey said. “That’s why we need somebody else to pick it up. His original protest is losing relevance to the younger cohort.”

“History just moves so fast now,” Bracey added. “If there’s not somebody giving attention to something, it’s as if it doesn’t exist.”

WINTER HAVEN – Final preparations are being made inside and outside Galacticoaster, Florida’s newest roller coaster, which is set to open at Legoland Florida theme park this month.

Space-themed Lego models — rotating ride vehicles that are customized by passengers and a next-generation animatronic named Biff Dipper — are prominent parts of the indoor coaster.

Near the entrance is a brick-by-brick and way-bigger-than-life model of Lego set 918, a spaceship introduced in 1979.

It’s “a classic ship, but it’s got some extra flourishes that you only really find in the Legoland park,” says Rosie Brailsford, senior project director for Merlin Magic Making, the creative arm of Merlin Entertainments.

About four years ago, Brailsford was instructed to work with Lego Group to develop an attraction that would work on a global platform, she says.

“They have a line, kind of from the ’70s and various different iterations of that, which is what you will find in Lego Galaxy,” she says. “So, it’s kind of a merge of past and present and opportunity for future iterations as well.”

Brailsford guided the Orlando Sentinel on an exclusive walk-through — no riding yet — of the attraction, which opens to the public Feb. 27.

What’s outside

The new coaster is on the site of the Flying School ride that was closed in August 2023. The exterior queue looks down at the park’s Driving School attraction. There are two entrances, including one from Legoland’s water park.

The spaceship is surrounded by Lego characters, including photo opportunities. The Alien Tourist figure — outfitted in a floral shirt, red shorts, aqua hat and big old-school camera — takes snaps of a green and antennaed alien family. A Duplo play area dubbed Tot Spot and designed for the youngest visitors, includes a Lego Shuttle. (A shade structure is being added.) Nearby are large Lego space flowers and a robot dog.

Early on, potential riders meet Capt. Olivia on screen.

“She’s welcoming you to the Lego Galaxy, telling you about a little snippet of the mission that you’re going to go on,” Brailsford says.

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A large screen televises a 10-minute loop of details about what’s coming up.

“There are little moments of backstory here, so that if you are milling around in the land, you’ve already started to absorb in your subconscious what’s going on,” Brailsford says.

What’s going on? In the Galacticoaster universe, they are bracing for “the asteroid of probable destruction.”

What’s inside

The front lobby features a large blocky version of the Lego Galaxy logo, which is a bit interplanetary and a bit NASA meatball. Below it are actual assembled Lego models on display, some of which are vintage and difficult to find, Brailsford says.

A series of halls and customized posters lead to a big Briefing Room with animatronic Biff Dipper, the chief engineer. He’s about 4 feet tall and standing on an elevated platform. His arms, legs and head move, and his face is animated below the visor of his space helmet. He greets future riders — there can be as many as 80 people in the room — and explains the goal. It’s us versus the asteroid.

“Most of our minifigures in our Legoland are static, smooth minifigures. … Biff is essentially next generation of how we want to do that on a show basis,” Brailsford says. They partnered with Engineered Arts of Cornwall, United Kingdom, to create this figure, which sports 45 facial animations, Legoland says.

Merlin is “working really closely with Lego to make sure all of that motion that they do is true to how a minifigure would move, and we’re not just making them do random things,” she says.

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Other on-screen characters give ride instructions and advance the storyline of how to deal with that asteroid. Plans A and B (one involving a giant net) were flops, and they need help with Plan C. It involves “separator swarms.”

The room includes interesting visuals such as a blueprint for vehicle options and a sign that reads “Interested in time travel? Meet here last Monday, 2 p.m.”

From here, Biff sends riders into a room where ride vehicle options are selected. Riders pick design features for wings, tail, nose and such. The choices range from practical to fanciful — add-ons such as hamburger wings and disco balls. The console allows 15 seconds for each selection, and then the total look is uploaded onto an RFID-enabled bracelet. There are more than 600 possible combinations.

The idea, we’re told, is to make the spacecraft “so awesome that it grabs the separators’ attention like nothing else.” Also, don’t let them catch you.

Next stop: the Galacticoaster loading bay.

The ride stuff

Passengers navigate a moving sidewalk to the in-real-life vehicles, which seat four passengers across and have lap bars that lower from overhead.

The ride moves into an airlock space, and there “you’ll see yourself in your awesome creation,” Brailsford says. You’ll linger for about 10 seconds, “then you will launch, up to 40 miles an hour, off on your adventure,” she says.

“And you have your kind of save-the-day moment on the ride.”

The Sentinel walk-through did not include a ride-through. Brailsford said the experience is smooth and the launch makes it punchy, probably more intense than the Dragon coaster, its Legoland Florida sister attraction. The height requirement is 36 inches for riders accompanied by an adult. Unaccompanied visitors must be at least 48 inches tall.

“It’s not like terrifying or anything, but being indoors, we do feel like they’ll get a little bit more of that thrill factor as well,” she says. “Because it’s dark, you don’t necessarily quite know where you’re going.”

The spinning is programmed, she said. “It’s not like a free spinning.”

Legoland’s website says to expect “Special effects, synchronized lighting and surprise appearances from classic Lego Space characters.”

Ride time is about 1 minute and 30 seconds, and, per theme park tradition, the exit is through the gift shop (official name: Orbital Outpost).

Another Galacticoaster is under construction that’s set to open March 6 at Legoland California, and, in theory, there could be more. There are also Legoland theme parks in New York, the United Kingdom, Denmark, Germany, Malaysia, Dubai, Japan, South Korea and China.

“We have, like, a base story and land concept that we can adjust and tweak if we were to roll a version of it out,” Brailsford says. “It might not necessarily be this ride. It might be a different ride with another story from the world.”

Email me at dbevil@orlandosentinel.com. BlueSky: @themeparksdb. Threads account: @dbevil. X account: @themeparks. Subscribe to the Theme Park Rangers newsletter at orlandosentinel.com/newsletters.

BORMIO, Italy — Hunter Hess has waited a lifetime for this moment.

The 27-year-old freestyle skier failed to qualify for the 2022 Olympic Games after a knee injury derailed his bid for Beijing. Next week at the Milan Cortina Games, he is finally set to drop into the Olympic halfpipe, wearing the uniform he has imagined since he was a kid.

The excitement is real. But it isn’t the only feeling.

“It brings up mixed emotions to represent the U.S. right now, I think,” Hess said. “It’s a little hard. There’s obviously a lot going on that I’m not the biggest fan of, and I think a lot of people aren’t.”

For some American Olympians, wearing red, white and blue has rarely felt more complicated. Many say they have been forced to ask themselves what their country represents, what they represent as individuals, and how to reconcile the distance between the two.

“For me, it’s more I’m representing my friends and family back home … all the things I believe are good about the U.S.,” Hess said. “I think if it aligns with my moral values, I feel like I’m representing it. Just because I’m wearing the flag doesn’t mean I represent everything that’s going on in the U.S.”

That unease wasn’t confined to conversations among athletes, and tensions found the spotlight at the outset of these Winter Games. During Friday’s Opening Ceremonies, Team USA athletes were cheered as they marched into the stadium. But the crowd quickly turned when Vice President JD Vance and his wife, Usha, appeared on the big screens, and boos filled the stadium.

For many Americans, the backdrop to these Games has been unusually tense. On the global stage, U.S. policy disputes – including disagreements with European allies over tariffs and Arctic strategy – have raised questions about American leadership and strained long-standing partnerships. Meanwhile, back home in the United States, immigration enforcement operations in Minneapolis drew widespread outrage after the fatal shootings last month of two U.S. citizens – Renée Good and Alex Pretti – by federal immigration personnel, sparking nationwide protests and debates about federal policing and civil rights.

Like much of the world, Olympians have watched news reports of ICE raids and tried to make sense of what’s happening. For cross-country skier Jessie Diggins, the tension between pride and pain is rooted squarely in home.

“I was born and raised in Minnesota. That’s the community that raised me,” said Diggins, a three-time Olympic medalist competing in her fourth Games.

In recent weeks, she said, it has been difficult to focus solely on skiing while watching events unfold back home. Friends and members of her community have reached out to tell her they’re watching, they’re proud, and that her presence at the Games has mattered to them during a painful moment.

“I think it’s still important to try to race my hardest and bring joy to those people,” she said. “I’m very focused on representing the version of America that’s respectful and loving and caring and open and just looks out for one another. To me, it’s really important to show that to the world and put love and respect and honesty first.”

Athletes from all corners of the world grapple with global perceptions, of course. Israeli athletes, for example, were roundly booed at Friday’s Opening Ceremonies. But Olympians work for years and feel like their journey encompasses something bigger than political policies.

“I think there’s a lot of hardship in the world, globally, and there’s a lot of heartbreak. There’s a lot of violence. It can be tough to reconcile that when you’re also competing for medals in an Olympic event,” said Alpine skier Mikaela Shiffrin, a four-time Olympian. “… I’m really hoping to show up and represent my own values. Values of inclusivity, values of diversity and kindness and sharing, tenacity, work ethic.”

Chris Lillis, the freestyle aerialist who won Olympic gold in Beijing, said he feels that same pull between pride and heartbreak.

“As athletes, we’re proud to represent our country. I love the U.S.A., and I think I would never want to represent a different country in the Olympics,” Lillis said. “With that being said, a lot of times athletes are hesitant to talk about political views and how we feel about things.

“I feel heartbroken about what’s happened in the United States,” he continued. “I think that, as a country, we need to focus on respecting everybody’s rights and making sure that we’re treating our citizens as well as anybody with love and respect. I hope that when people look at athletes competing in the Olympics, they realize that’s the America that we’re trying to represent.”

Sport in many ways is a platform for values. Kelly Pannek, a forward on the U.S. women’s hockey team and a Minnesota native, finished a recent Professional Women’s Hockey League season in St. Paul, Minnesota, and offered a statement before taking a single question.

“It’s obviously really heavy,” Pannek said, becoming choked up. “I think people have been asking a lot of us what it’s like to represent our state and our country. I think what I’m most proud to represent is the tens of thousands of people that show up on some of the coldest days of the year to stand [at protests] and fight for what they believe in.”

The backdrop for those personal reckonings extends well beyond the United States. When news surfaced that U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement agents would be in Italy to assist American security efforts at the Games, it sparked protests in Milan and opposition from Italian residents and politicians.

That discomfort filtered into even the most routine elements of the Olympic experience. Three U.S. Olympic bodies – U.S. Figure Skating, USA Hockey and U.S. Speedskating – changed the name of their shared hospitality space from “Ice House” to “Winter House,” aiming to eliminate a potential distraction.

Figure skater Amber Glenn said the change reflected how deeply current events are resonating with athletes.

“It’s unfortunate that the term ‘ice’ isn’t something we can embrace because of what’s happening and the implications of what some individuals are doing,” Glenn told reporters after a practice this week. “Unfortunately, in my own country, it is very upsetting and very distressing to see. A lot of people say, ‘You’re just an athlete. Like, stick to your job, shut up about politics.’ But politics affects us all.”

U.S. Olympic officials said they prepared athletes for the possibility of mixed reactions in Italy, even as they expressed confidence that competition venues would largely remain respectful environments.

“Our experience has been that, more often than not, those spectators who come to watch Olympic competitions have an incredible amount of respect and appreciation for what athletes have achieved,” said Sarah Hirshland, the chief executive of the U.S. Olympic and Paralympic Committee. “We don’t anticipate a lot of negative energy on the field of play.”

For some athletes, the act of competing itself feels like a way to define what they stand for.

“I’d say our country’s been having issues for 250 years,” said snowboarder Nick Goepper, a four-time Olympian. “I’m here to uphold classic American values of respect, opportunity, freedom, equality and project those to the world.”

Noted Alex Ferreira, a two-time Olympic medalist in freestyle halfpipe skiing: “The Olympics represent peace, so let’s not only bring world peace, but domestic peace within our country as well.”

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Barry Svrluga contributed to this report.

MILAN (AP) — Men’s downhill in Alpine skiing starts as the first medal event of the Milan Cortina Olympics and will take place Saturday, which is officially Day 1 of the Games.

Also in the spotlight will be U.S. figure skating star Ilia Malinin as well as Jessie Diggins, America’s most decorated cross-country skier.

Here is a guide of what to look out for:

Men’s downhill is wide open

Swiss teammates Marco Odermatt and world champion Franjo von Allmen are among the favorites, though there’s a long list of contenders for the podium at Stelvio Ski Center in Bormio.

The home crowd will be rooting for Dominik Paris, who in his fifth Games is still looking for his first Olympic medal. The 36-year-old Italian is a Bormio specialist, having won a record six World Cup downhills there. There’s also young Italian Giovanni Franzoni.

U.S. skier Ryan Cochran-Siegle was fastest in the opening downhill training session Wednesday. It is Cochran-Siegle’s third Winter Olympics. He won silver in the super-G at the Beijing Games four years ago.

The event is scheduled to begin at 10:30 a.m. local time (0930 GMT, 4:30 a.m. ET), weather permitting.

Ilia Malinin performs in figure skating team event

Two-time reigning world champion Ilia Malinin, the overwhelming favorite to win Olympic figure skating gold, performs his short program as part of the team event. The defending champion U.S. leads Japan and Italy going into Day 2 of the three-day competition. It’s scheduled to begin at 6:45 p.m. local time (1745 GMT, 12:45 p.m. ET) in Milan.

In the free dance, the U.S. team of Madison Chock and Evan Bates is expected back on the ice. The three-time defending world champions won the rhythm dance portion of the team competition Friday.

Jessie Diggins competes in her 4th Olympics

Diggins, a 34-year-old Minnesota native, is trying to add to her Olympic haul before she retires at the end of the season. She already has a gold, silver, and bronze medal from three earlier Olympics. She will compete Saturday in the 20 kilometer skiathlon. The event is scheduled to begin at noon local time (1100 GMT and 6 a.m. ET). Cross-country skiing is held in Val di Fiemme, a valley in the heart of the Dolomites. It’s possible medals could be awarded before the men’s downhill medals.

There are also medal events in ski jumping (women’s normal hill individual), snowboard (men’s snowboard big air) and speedskating (women’s 3000 meters).

US faces Finland in women’s hockey

Women’s hockey is among the handful of disciplines that have already begun preliminary rounds. The U.S. team opened its campaign with a 5-1 victory over Czechia on Thursday.

Next up for the Americans is Finland. The game is scheduled to begin at 3:40 p.m. local time (1440 GMT, 9:40 a.m. ET) in Milan. The other games Saturday: Switzerland-Canada; Sweden-Italy; and Germany-Japan.

AP Olympics: https://apnews.com/hub/milan-cortina-2026-winter-olympics

By The Associated Press

This photo gallery, curated by AP photo editors, features highlights from the opening ceremony of the Milan Cortina Olympics.

By GABRIELA AOUN ANGUEIRA, Associated Press

The Federal Emergency Management Agency will resume staff cuts that were briefly paused during January’s severe winter storm, according to two FEMA managers, stoking concern across the agency over its ability to address disasters with fewer workers.

FEMA at the start of January abruptly stopped renewing employment contracts for a group of staffers known as Cadre of On-Call Response/Recovery, or CORE employees, term-limited hires who can hold senior roles and play an important role in emergency response.

But FEMA then paused the cuts in late January as the nation braced for the gigantic winter storm that was set to impact half the country’s population. FEMA did not say whether that decision was linked to the storm.

The two FEMA team managers, who spoke on condition of anonymity because they were not authorized to discuss the staffing changes with the media, were told this week that dismissals were going to resume soon but were not given a specific date. It was not clear how many people would be impacted.

FEMA staff told The Associated Press that the policy indiscriminately terminates employees without taking into account the importance of their role or their years of experience. The hundreds of CORE dismissals have wiped out entire teams, or left groups without managers, they said.

“It’s a big impact to our ability to implement and carry out the programs entrusted to us to carry out,” one FEMA manager told The Associated Press.

The officials said it was unclear who at the Department of Homeland Security or FEMA was driving the decision. Managers used to make the case to extend a contract months in advance, they said, but now leaders were often finding out about terminations at the same time as their employee.

DHS and FEMA did not immediately respond to requests for comment.

There are over 10,000 CORE workers, making up nearly half of FEMA’s workforce. While they are employed on two- and four-year contracts, those terms are “routinely renewed,” one manager said, calling CORE the “primary backbone” for FEMA’s response and recovery work. Many CORE are supervisors and it’s not uncommon for them to have worked at the agency for many years, if not decades.

CORE employees are paid out of FEMA’s Disaster Relief Fund and are not subject to as long a hiring process as permanent full-time federal employees. That allows the agency to be more nimble in its hiring and onboard employees more quickly as needs arise. With DHS funded only temporarily because of a battle in Congress over immigration tactics, CORE employees can work and be paid during a government shutdown, so long as the disaster fund still has money.

The administration’s efforts to reduce the workforce come as the Trump administration has been promising reforms for FEMA that it says will reduce waste and shift emergency management responsibilities over to states.

It also comes as DHS faces increasing criticism over how it manages FEMA, including delays in getting disaster funding to states and workforce reductions.

FEMA lost nearly 10% of its workforce between January and June 2025, according to the Government Accountability Office. Concern has grown in recent months among FEMA staff and disaster experts that larger cuts are coming.

A draft report from the Trump-appointed FEMA Review Council included a recommendation to cut the agency’s workforce in half, according to a person familiar with the matter who spoke on the condition of anonymity because they were not authorized to discuss the report with media. The council’s final report, due last November, has not been published.

“Based on past disasters, we know that slashing FEMA’s workforce will put Americans at risk, plain and simple,” Rep. Bennie Thompson of Mississippi, ranking member of the House Homeland Security Committee, said after introducing a resolution Wednesday condemning FEMA staff cuts.

Last week, a coalition of unions and nonprofits led by the American Federation of Government Employees filed a legal complaint against the Trump Administration over the FEMA reductions.

A CORE employee at FEMA headquarters who asked not to be named for fear of losing their job said that even though FEMA was able to support states during Winter Storm Fern, a year of staff losses could already be felt. There were fewer people available for backup, they said, and staff were burned out from ongoing uncertainty.

Ezra Parker Chapter, the Royal Oak chapter of the National Society Daughters of the American Revolution (NSDAR), presented the 2026 DAR Good Citizen award to Shrine High School senior Natalie Lanfear. Natalie is the daughter of David and Sara Lanfear of Birmingham.

The DAR Good Citizen Award is presented to a high school senior who best exemplifies dependability, service, leadership and patriotism.

Natalie received a $200 award from the Ezra Parker Chapter and she was also named as a state finalist of the DAR Good Citizen Award, one of five in Michigan. The state awards conference is in April and then the state winner will advance to the division level.

The DAR is a non-profit, non-political volunteer women’s service organization dedicated to historic preservation, education, and patriotism, with 55 chapters in Michigan. For more information, visit www.dar.org.

— Submitted by Diane Mazurek, Ezra Parker Chapter NSDAR

By ALEXA ST. JOHN

Energy Star, the program that helps guide consumers to more energy-efficient appliances and electronics, has survived the Trump administration’s plans to cut it.

The program received sufficient support in Congress that it was included in budget legislation signed this week by President Donald Trump.

Environmentalists and advocates called it good news for consumers and the planet, but raised concerns over how the program will be administered under a shrunken Environmental Protection Agency.

But Energy Star is not the only energy efficiency program targeted by Trump.

Here’s what to know about the outlook for that program and others.

What’s Trump got against energy efficiency?

Trump has regularly said efficiency standards for household items and appliances — many strengthened under predecessor Joe Biden’s administration — rob consumers of choice and add unnecessary costs.

His first executive order upon returning to office last year outlined a vision to “unleash American energy.” In it, he emphasized safeguarding “the American people’s freedom to choose” everything from light bulbs to gas stoves to water heaters and shower heads.

At the same time Trump has targeted efficiency, he’s also sought to block renewable energy development such as wind and solar and boosted fossil fuels that contribute to warming, including gas, oil and coal.

What happened with Energy Star?

Energy Star is a voluntary, decades-old EPA-run program that informs consumers about how efficient home appliances and electronics are, including dishwashers, washing machines and more. The idea is to simultaneously reduce emissions and save consumers money on their energy bills.

The Department of Energy develops product testing procedures for Energy Star, while the EPA sets performance levels and ensures the certification label is reliable for consumers. It also applies to new homes, commercial buildings and plants.

EPA says the program has saved 4 billion metric tonnes (4.41 billion tons) of planet-warming greenhouse gas emissions since launching in 1992, and can save households an average of $450 annually.

Last May, EPA drafted plans to eliminate Energy Star as part of a broader agency reorganization that targeted air pollution regulation efforts and other critical environmental functions. The agency said the reorganization would deliver “organizational improvements to the personnel structure” to benefit the American people.

Many groups advocated against the potential closure of the program, citing its benefits to consumers.

The legislation Trump signed this week allocated $33 million for the program, slightly more than 2024’s $32.1 million, according to the Congressional Research Service, but it continues the general trend of declining funding for the program over the past decade. The Association of Home Appliance Manufacturers, among many industry groups to advocate for keeping the program in letters sent to Congress, said it was “very pleased” to see the funding continue.

Some concerns remain

Experts say uncertainty around the program likely didn’t impact consumers much over the past year. They note that manufacturers can’t change their product lines overnight.

Amanda Smith, a senior scientist at climate research organization Project Drawdown, said the uncertainty may have had a bigger effect on EPA’s ability to administer the program. She was among experts wondering how staffing cuts may affect EPA’s work.

EPA spokesperson Brigit Hirsch didn’t address a question about that, saying in a statement only that EPA Administrator Lee Zeldin “will follow the law as enacted by Congress.”

What other energy efficiency rules are still in limbo?

The Department of Energy has proposed rolling back, weakening or revoking 17 other minimum efficiency standards for energy and water conservation as part of 47 broader deregulatory actions. Those are standards that must be met for the products to be sold legally.

That includes air cleaners, ovens, dehumidifiers, portable air conditioners, washers, dishwashers, faucets and many more items that have been in place and updated over the years.

“These are standards that are quietly saving people money on their utility bills year after year in a way that most consumers never notice,” said Andrew deLaski, executive director of the Appliance Standards Awareness Project. “The striking thing is that consumers have a huge array of choices in appliances in the market today. Repealing these standards would simply increase cost. It just doesn’t make sense.”

Changing efficiency measures also drives up energy demand at a time when utilities are already challenged to meet the growing needs of data centers, electrification and more.

While Congress has supported Energy Star and these separate appliance standards, it also has advanced legislation that would give the president new powers to roll back rules.

Manufacturers are likely to continue making efficient consumer appliances, but weakened rules could negatively impact the U.S. marketplace.

“The problem for U.S. manufacturers is that overseas competitors making inefficient products elsewhere could now flood the U.S. market,” deLaski said, noting that would undercut American manufacturers.

Alexa St. John is an Associated Press climate reporter. Follow her on X: @alexa_stjohn. Reach her at ast.john@ap.org.

Read more of AP’s climate coverage.

The Associated Press’ climate and environmental coverage receives financial support from multiple private foundations. AP is solely responsible for all content. Find AP’s standards for working with philanthropies, a list of supporters and funded coverage areas at AP.org.

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By STEPHEN GROVES

WASHINGTON (AP) — The chairman of the House Oversight Committee on Friday requested records related to firms partially owned by the husband of Minnesota Democratic Rep. Ilhan Omar, taking the extraordinary step of scrutinizing the spouse of a sitting House member.

Rep. James Comer, a Kentucky Republican, released a letter to Timothy Mynett, a former Democratic political consultant who is married to Omar, requesting records related to a pair of companies that had a substantial jump in value between 2023 and 2024, according to financial disclosures filed by the congresswoman.

Comer’s request marked a highly unusual move by the chair of a committee with a history of taking on politically-charged investigations, but almost always focused on government officials outside of Congress. The House Ethics Committee, which is comprised of an equal number of Democrats and Republicans and tries to stay away from political fights, typically handles allegations involving lawmakers and their family members.

Yet since her 2018 election as one of the first Muslim women in the House, Omar has received nearly-nonstop attacks from the right. She has dismissed allegations around her finances as “misleading” and based on conspiracy theories.

A spokesperson for Omar, Jackie Rogers, said in a statement that Comer’s letter was “a political stunt” and part of a campaign “meant to fundraise, not real oversight.”

“This is an attempt to orchestrate a smear campaign against the congresswoman, and it is disgusting that our tax dollars are being used to malign her,” Rogers added.

Comer has also displayed a willingness to push the traditional parameters of the Oversight panel. In a separate investigation into Jeffrey Epstein, he is enforcing subpoenas for depositions from former Secretary of State Hillary Clinton and former President Bill Clinton, marking the first time a former president will be forced to appear before Congress.

In the letter to Mynett on Friday, Comer said, “There are serious public concerns about how your businesses increased so dramatically in value only a year after reporting very limited assets.”

There is no evidence of wrongdoing by Omar, but President Donald Trump also said last month that the Department of Justice is looking into her finances.

In response to the president, Omar said on social media that “your support is collapsing and you’re panicking,” adding that “Years of ‘investigations’ have found nothing.”

The scrutiny of Omar’s finances comes from a required financial disclosure statement she filed in May last year. She reported then that two firms tied to her husband, a winery called eStCru and an investment firm called Rose Lake Capital, had risen in value by at least $5.9 million dollars. Lawmakers report assets within ranges of dollar figures, so it was not clear exactly how much the firms had risen in value or what ownership stake Mynett had in them.

Omar has also pointed out that her husband’s reported income from the winery was between $5,000 and $15,000 and none from Rose Lake Capital.

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By JONATHAN LANDRUM Jr., Associated Press

SAN FRANCISCO (AP) — Brandi Carlile isn’t hedging.

When the multi-Grammy winner steps onto the field at Super Bowl to sing “America the Beautiful,” Carlile said she’ll perform fully live — with no prerecorded safety net, embracing the same risk she believes audiences take every day simply by showing up.

“The people deserve to have you live,” Carlile told The Associated Press on Thursday. “They need you to be taking the risk they’re taking every day when they walk out into those streets.”

That decision sets the tone for how Sunday’s pregame performers are approaching one of music’s most technically demanding stages. Some play it safe while others are fully present.

Carlile, who will perform before kickoff along with Charlie Puth and Coco Jones, described preparation that extends beyond rehearsals and sound checks. Having previously performed in large outdoor venues — including Elton John’s final tour date at Dodger Stadium in 2022 — she said singing in an open-air stadium introduces noticeable sound delay, where performers can hear their own voices echo back moments later.

“I’ve been preparing for it more spiritually than technically,” Carlile said. “I want to sing that song as more of a prayer than a boast.”

Performing live at the Super Bowl has long required a careful balance between authenticity and logistics. Because of stadium acoustics, broadcast delays and the precision demanded by a globally televised event, artists often blend live vocals with backing tracks or use prerecorded elements to ensure consistent sound quality across the venue and broadcast.

The practice is not new. Whitney Houston’s iconic 1991 national anthem performance was later confirmed to have used a prerecorded track. Katy Perry and other halftime performers have also used a mix of live vocals and reinforcement as part of highly choreographed productions.

The approach is common but the choice remains personal, shaped by an artist’s own philosophy and comfort level.

Jones, who will sing “Lift Every Voice and Sing,” framed her preparation less as declaration and more as discipline — rooted in respect for the song itself. Rather than focusing on whether a performance is live or supported, she emphasized repetition, rehearsing until muscle memory takes over.

“I try to overly practice,” she said. “When everything is second nature … I’m just a vessel.”

Jones has performed on stadium stages before, including Atlanta’s Mercedes-Benz Stadium, and said the scale amplifies pressure but doesn’t fundamentally change her mindset. She studies lyrics — her own and those she covers — to understand the emotion and intention behind every line before stepping onto the field.

From a sound standpoint, Jones stressed the importance of sound monitoring in a massive stadiums. Jones sought guidance from Alicia Keys, who became the first artist to sing the rendition of “Lift Every Voice and Sing” for the NFL in 2000.

“She just told me, ‘Don’t be nervous — be in the moment,’” Jones said. “That meant a lot coming from her.”

Puth, who will perform the national anthem, said he is approaching the moment as a producer as much as a vocalist — a mindset shaped by years of controlling sound from the studio to the stage. Though he has performed in stadiums before, he said each venue presents its own challenges.

“There’s not one stadium that sounds alike,” Puth said.

Known for his hands-on role in his music, Puth said maintaining control over sound is central to his preparation, particularly in a setting where acoustics, delay and broadcast demands intersect. The national anthem, one of the most scrutinized songs in American music, requires restraint as much as power, especially in a stadium setting, the singer said.

“You just make sure you don’t over sing,” said Puth, whose Super Bowl appearance arrives ahead of a busy year. His fourth studio album, “Whatever’s Clever,” is set for release March 27, followed by a world tour that will take him through arenas including New York and Los Angeles.

“The moment you start thinking about everybody else, you’re not locked into the music,” he continued. “And that’s when things don’t sound the way they should.”

For Carlile, the Super Bowl also serves as a bridge to what comes next.

Next week, she will launch the Human Tour, her first-ever arena headlining run. It’s a milestone she described as both thrilling and intimidating. But standing alone on the Super Bowl field, she said, offers a kind of preparation no rehearsal room can replicate.

“It’ll be the scariest thing I do this year,” she said. “So once that’s over, the Human Tour is going to be Disneyland all day long.”

Carlile said what she’s learning in this moment. She’s resisting perfection, staying present and trusting herself during her live performance, hoping she along with Puth and Jones’ performances give viewers some form of inspiration.

“You have to wake up and take a risk with yourself,” she said. “That’s what makes performance beautiful.”

By PATRICK WHITTLE The Associated Press

KENNEBUNK, Maine (AP) — It just wouldn’t feel like the Super Bowl for them if they weren’t all there. And this might be the last time they all do it.

That’s what three old friends were coming to grips with just before this year’s Super Bowl. The trio of octogenarians are the only fans left in the exclusive “never missed a Super Bowl” club.

Don Crisman of Maine, Gregory Eaton of Michigan and Tom Henschel of Florida were back for another big game this year. But two of them are grappling with the fact that advancing years and decreasing mobility mean this is probably the last time.

This year’s game pits the Seattle Seahawks against the New England Patriots at Levi’s Stadium in Santa Clara, California, on Sunday. Crisman, a Patriots fan since the franchise started, was excited to see his team in the game for a record-setting 12th time.

“This will definitely be the final one,” said Crisman, who made the trip with his daughter, Susan Metevier. “We made it to 60.”

Getting older, scaling back

Crisman, who first met Henschel at the 1983 Super Bowl, turns 90 this year. Meanwhile, Henschel, 84, has been slowed by a stroke. Both said this is the last time they’ll make the increasingly expensive trip to the game, although members of the group have said that before. For his part, Eaton, 86, plans to keep going as long as he’s still physically able.

Eaton, who runs a ground transportation company in Detroit, is the only member of the group not retired. And he’d still like to finally see his beloved Detroit Lions make it to a Super Bowl.

Even so, all three said they’ve scaled back the time they dedicate each year to the trip. Crisman used to spend a week in the host city, soaking in the pomp and pageantry. These days, it’s just about the game, not the hype.

“We don’t go for a week anymore, we go for three or four days,” Crisman said.

Eaton, too, admits the price and hype of the big game have gotten to be a lot.

“I think all of them are big, they’re all fun. It’s just gotten so commercial. It’s a $10,000 trip now,” he said.

Friendly rivalries over the years

Henschel said this year’s Super Bowl would be the most challenging for him because of his stroke, but he was excited to see Eaton and Crisman one more time.

Eaton met Crisman and Henschel in the mid-2010s after years of attending the Super Bowl separately. And Henschel and Crisman have a long-running rivalry: Their respective favorite teams — the Pittsburgh Steelers and the New England Patriots — are AFC rivals.

The fans have attended every game since the first AFL-NFL World Championship Game, as the first two Super Bowls were known at the time, in 1967. They have sometimes sat together in the past, but logistics make it impossible some years.

But this year it was just about being able to go to the game at all, Henschel said.

“I don’t talk or walk good,” he said.

An ever-shrinking club

The club of people who have never missed a Super Bowl once included other fans, executives, media members and even groundskeepers, but as time has passed, the group has shrunk. Photographer John Biever, who has shot every Super Bowl, also plans to let his streak end at 60.

The three fans spin tales of past games that often focus less on the action on the field than on the different world where old Super Bowls took place. Henschel scored a $12 ticket for the 1969 Super Bowl the day of the game. Crisman endured a 24-hour train ride to Miami for the 1968 Super Bowl. Eaton, who is Black, remembers the many years before Doug Williams became the first Black quarterback to win a Super Bowl in 1988.

Metevier, Crisman’s daughter, was born the year of the first Super Bowl and grew up with her dad’s streak as a fixture in her life. She’s looking forward to going to one last game with him.

“It’s kind of bittersweet. It’s about the memories,” Metevier said. “It’s not just about the football, it’s something more.”

Crisman’s son, Don Crisman Jr., said he’s on board with his dad making the trip for as long as he’s still able, too.

“You know, he’s a little long in the tooth, but the way I put it, if it was me and I was mobile and I could go, I would damn sure go,” he said.

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By CLAIRE RUSH, Associated Press

PORTLAND, Ore. (AP) — Lawyers for conservation groups, Native American tribes, and the states of Oregon and Washington returned to court Friday to seek changes to dam operations on the Snake and Columbia Rivers, following the collapse of a landmark agreement with the federal government to help recover critically imperiled salmon runs.

Last year President Donald Trump torpedoed the 2023 deal, in which the Biden administration had promised to spend $1 billion over a decade to help restore salmon while also boosting tribal clean energy projects. The White House called it “radical environmentalism” that could have resulted in the breaching of four controversial dams on the Snake River.

The plaintiffs argue that the way the government operates the dams violates the Endangered Species Act, and over decades of litigation judges have repeatedly ordered changes to help the fish. They’re asking the court to order changes at eight large hydropower dams, including lowering reservoir water levels, which can help fish travel through them faster, and increasing spill, which can help juvenile fish pass over dams instead of through turbines.

In court filings, the federal government called the request a “sweeping scheme to wrest control” of the dams that would compromise the ability to operate them safely and efficiently. Any such court order could also raise rates for utility customers, the government said.

“We’re returning to court because the situation for the salmon and the steelhead in the Columbia River Basin is dire,” said Kristen Boyles, managing attorney with Earthjustice, a nonprofit law firm representing conservation, clean energy and fishing groups in the litigation. “There are populations that are on the brink of extinction, and this is a species which is the center of Northwest tribal life and identity.”

The lengthy legal battle was revived after Trump pulled the U.S. out of the Resilient Columbia Basin Agreement last June. The pact with Washington, Oregon and four Native American tribes had allowed for a pause in the litigation.

The plaintiffs, which include the state of Oregon and a coalition of conservation and fishing groups such as the National Wildlife Federation, filed the motion for a preliminary injunction, with Washington state, the Nez Perce Tribe and Yakama Nation supporting it as “friends of the court.” The U.S. District Court in Portland will hear the oral arguments.

The Columbia River Basin, spanning an area roughly the size of Texas, was once the world’s greatest salmon-producing river system, with at least 16 stocks of salmon and steelhead. Today, four are extinct and seven are endangered or threatened. Another iconic but endangered Northwest species, a population of killer whales, also depend on the salmon.

The construction of the first dams on the Columbia River, including the Grand Coulee and Bonneville in the 1930s, provided jobs during the Great Depression as well as hydropower and navigation. They made the town of Lewiston, Idaho, the most inland seaport on the West Coast, and many farmers continue to rely on barges to ship their crops.

Opponents of the proposed dam changes include the Inland Ports and Navigation Group, which said in a statement last year that increasing spill “can disproportionately hurt navigation, resulting in disruptions in the flow of commerce that has a highly destructive impact on our communities and economy.”

However, the dams are also a main culprit behind the decline of salmon, which regional tribes consider part of their cultural and spiritual identity.

Speaking before the hearing, Jeremy Takala of the Yakama Nation Tribal Council said “extinction is not an option.”

“This is very personal to me. It’s very intimate,” he said, describing how his grandfather took him to go fishing. “Every season of lower survival means closed subsistence fisheries, loss of ceremonies and fewer elders able to pass on fishing traditions to the next generation.”

The dams for which changes are being sought are the Ice Harbor, Lower Monumental, Little Goose and Lower Granite on the Snake River, and the Bonneville, The Dalles, John Day and McNary on the Columbia.

By REBECCA SANTANA and ELLIOT SPAGAT

WASHINGTON (AP) — White House border czar Tom Homan’s announcement that enforcement in Minnesota was being unified under U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement followed months of internal grumbling and infighting among agencies about how to carry out President Donald Trump’s mass deportation campaign.

Since it was created in 2003, ICE has conducted street arrests through “targeted enforcement.” Homan uses that phrase repeatedly to describe narrowly tailored operations with specific, individual targets, in contrast to the broad sweeps that had become more common under Border Patrol direction in Los Angeles, Chicago, Minnesota and elsewhere.

It is unclear how the agency friction may have influenced the leadership shift. But the change shines a light on how the two main agencies behind Trump’s centerpiece deportation agenda have at times clashed over styles and tactics.

The switch comes at a time when support for ICE is sliding, with a growing number of Americans saying the agency has become too aggressive. In Congress, the Department of Homeland Security is increasingly under attack by Democrats who want to rein in immigration enforcement.

While declaring the Twin Cities operation a success, Homan on Wednesday acknowledged that it was imperfect and said consolidating operations under ICE’s enforcement and removal operations unit was an effort toward “making sure we follow the rules.” Trump sent the former acting ICE director to Minnesota last week to de-escalate tensions after two U.S. citizens were fatally shot by federal immigration officers — one with ICE and the other with Customs and Border Protection.

“We made this operation more streamlined and we established a unified chain of command, so everybody knows what everybody’s doing,” Homan said at a news conference in Minneapolis. “In targeted enforcement operations, we go out there. There needs to be a plan.”

Agencies with different missions and approaches

The Border Patrol’s growing role in interior enforcement had fueled tensions within ICE, according to current and former DHS officials. Gregory Bovino, a senior Border Patrol official who was reassigned from Minneapolis last week, embraced a “turn and burn” strategy of lightning-quick street sweeps and heavy shows of force that were designed to rack up arrests but often devolved into chaos.

“Every time you place Border Patrol into interior enforcement the wheels are going to come off,” Darius Reeves, who retired in May as head of ICE’s enforcement and removal operations in Baltimore, said in an interview last year as Bovino’s influence grew.

ICE has also engaged in aggressive tactics that mark a break from the past, especially in Minnesota. An ICE officer fatally shot Renee Good in Minneapolis on Jan. 7. Trump administration officials said she tried to run over an officer with her vehicle, an account that state and local officials have rejected. ICE has asserted sweeping power to forcibly enter a person’s home to make arrests without a judge’s warrant, among other controversial tactics.

But ICE’s traditional playbook involves extensive investigation and surveillance before an arrest, often acting quickly and quietly in predawn vehicle stops or outside a home. An ICE official once compared it to watching paint dry.

Bovino, in a November interview, said the two agencies had different but complementary missions and he compared the relationship to a large metropolitan police department. The Border Patrol was akin to beat cops on roving patrols. ICE was more like detectives, doing investigative work.

Asked about the friction, DHS spokeswoman Tricia McLaughlin said, “There is only page: The President’s page. Everyone’s on the same page.”

“This is one team, and we have one fight to secure the homeland. President Trump has a brilliant, tenacious team led by Secretary (Kristi) Noem to deliver on the American people’s mandate to remove criminal illegal aliens from this country.”

ICE gets blamed for Border Patrol’s tactics, official says

Michael Fisher, chief of the Border Patrol from 2010 to 2015, said last year that his former agency’s tactics were more in line with the Republican administration’s goal of deporting millions of people who entered the United States while Democrat Joe Biden was president.

“How do you deal with trying to arrest hundreds and hundreds of people in a shift?” Fisher said. “ICE agents typically aren’t geared, they don’t have the equipment, they don’t have the training to deal in those environments. The Border Patrol does.”

The Border Patrol’s high-profile raids, including a helicopter landing on the roof of a Chicago apartment building that involved agents rappelling down, rankled ICE officials. A U.S. official who was not authorized to discuss the matter publicly and spoke on condition of anonymity said at the time that ICE often gets blamed for Border Patrol’s tactics.

Meanwhile, Scott Mechowski, who retired in 2018 as ICE’s deputy field office director for enforcement and removal operations in New York, said separately that the Border Patrol was essentially doing roving operations and blanketing an area to question anyone or everyone about their legal status. He considered that an unwelcome contrast to ICE’s traditionally more targeted approach, based on deep surveillance and investigation of suspects.

“We didn’t just park our cars and walk through Times Square going, ‘OK, everybody. Come over here. You’re next, you’re next.’ We never did that. To me, that’s not the way to do your business,” Mechowski said.

Homan offers a narrower approach

As the Border Patrol’s influence grew last year, the administration reassigned at least half of the field office directors of ICE’s enforcement and removals operations division. Many were replaced by current or retired officials from CBP, the Border Patrol’s parent agency.

Homan’s arrival in Minnesota and his emphasis on “targeted enforcement” mark a subtle but unmistakable shift, at least in tone. He said authorities would arrest people they encounter who are not targets and he reaffirmed Trump’s commitment to mass deportation, but emphasized a narrower approach steeped in investigation.

“When we leave this building, we know who were looking for, where we’re most likely to find them, what their immigration record is, what their criminal history is,” Homan said.

On the ground, the mood has not changed much in Minneapolis since Bovino’s departure and Homan’s consolidation of operations under ICE. Fewer CBP convoys are seen in the Twin Cities area, but with ICE still having a significant presence, tensions remain.

On Thursday, The Associated Press witnessed an ICE officer in an unmarked vehicle tail a car and then pull over its driver, only to appear to realize he was not their target. “You’re good,” they told him, after scanning his face with their phones. They then drove off, leaving the driver baffled and furious.

Associated Press writer Mark Vancleave in Minneapolis contributed to this report.