By ISABEL DEBRE and MEGAN JANETSKY, Associated Press

MEXICO CITY (AP) — In his celebratory news conference on the U.S. capture of Venezuelan strongman leader Nicolás Maduro, President Donald Trump set out an extraordinarily forthright view of the use of U.S. power in Latin America that exposed political divisions from Mexico to Argentina as Trump-friendly leaders rise across the region.

“American dominance in the Western Hemisphere will never be questioned again,” Trump proclaimed just hours before Maduro was perp-walked through the offices of the U.S. Drug Enforcement Administration in New York.

The scene marked a stunning culmination of months of escalation in Washington’s confrontation with Caracas that has reawakened memories of a past era of blatant U.S. interventionism in the region.

Since assuming office less than a year ago — and promptly renaming the Gulf of Mexico as the Gulf of America — Trump has launched boat strikes against alleged drug traffickers in the Caribbean, ordered a naval blockade on Venezuelan oil exports and meddled in elections in Honduras and Argentina.

Through a combination of tariffs, sanctions and military force, he has pressured Latin American leaders to advance his administration’s goals of combating drug trafficking, halting immigration, securing strategic natural resources and countering the influence of Russia and China.

The new, aggressive foreign policy — which Trump now calls the “Donroe Doctrine,” in reference to 19th-century President James Monroe’s belief that the U.S. should dominate its sphere of influence — has carved the hemisphere into allies and foes.

“The Trump administration in multiple different ways has been trying to reshape Latin American politics,” said Gimena Sanchez, Andes director for the Washington Office on Latin America, a think tank. “They’re showing their teeth in the whole region.”

Reactions to US raid put regional divisions on display

Saturday’s dramatic events — including Trump’s vow that Washington would “run” Venezuela and seize control of its oil sector — galvanized opposite sides of the polarized continent.

Argentine President Javier Milei, Trump’s ideological soulmate, characterized one side as supporting “democracy, the defense of life, freedom and property.”

“On the other side,” he added, “are those accomplices of a narco-terrorist and bloody dictatorship that has been a cancer for our region.”

Other right-wing leaders in South America similarly seized on Maduro’s ouster to declare their ideological affinity with Trump.

In Ecuador, conservative President Daniel Noboa issued a stern warning for all followers of Hugo Chávez, Maduro’s mentor and the founder of the Bolivarian revolution: “Your structure will completely collapse across the entire continent.”

In Chile, where a presidential election last month marked by fears over Venezuelan immigration brought down the leftist government, far-right President-elect José Antonio Kast hailed the U.S. raid as “great news for the region.”

But left-wing presidents in Latin America — including Brazil’s Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva, Mexico’s Claudia Sheinbaum, Chile’s Gabriel Boric and Colombia’s Gustavo Petro — expressed grave concerns over what they saw as U.S. bullying.

Lula said the raid set “an extremely dangerous precedent.” Sheinbaum warned it “jeopardizes regional stability.” Boric said it “violated an essential pillar of international law.” Petro called it “aggression against the sovereignty of Venezuela and of Latin America.”

Trump has previously punished or threatened all four leaders for failing to fall in line with his demands, while boosting and bailing out allies who show loyalty.

The attack recalls a painful history of US intervention

For Lula — among the last surviving icons of the so-called “pink tide,” the leftist leaders who dominated Latin American politics from the turn of the 21st century — Trump’s military action in Venezuela “recalls the worst moments of interference in the politics of Latin America.”

Those moments range from American troops occupying Central American and Caribbean nations to promote the interests of U.S. companies like Chiquita in the early 1900s to Washington supporting repressive military dictatorships in Argentina, Brazil, Chile, Paraguay and Uruguay to fend off Soviet influence in the 1970s.

The historical echoes in Maduro’s downfall fueled not only harsh condemnations and street protests among Trump’s left-wing opponents but also uneasy responses from some of his close allies.

Usually effusive in his support for Trump, President Nayib Bukele was oddly quiet in El Salvador, a nation still scarred by a brutal civil war between a repressive U.S.-allied government and leftist guerillas. He posted a meme mocking Maduro after his capture Saturday, but expressed none of the jubilation seen from regional counterparts.

In Bolivia, where old anti-American dogmas die hard due to memories of the bloody U.S.-backed war on drugs, new conservative President Rodrigo Paz praised Maduro’s removal insomuch as it fulfilled “the true popular will” of Venezuelans who tried to vote the autocrat out of office in a 2024 election widely seen as fraudulent.

“Bolivia reaffirms that the way out for Venezuela is to respect the vote,” Paz said.

His message didn’t age well. Hours later, Trump announced he would work with Maduro’s loyalist vice president, Delcy Rodríguez, rather than the opposition that prevailed in the 2024 election.

“The Trump administration, it appears at this point, is making decisions about the democratic future of Venezuela without referring back to the democratic result,” said Kevin Whitaker, former deputy chief of mission for the State Department in Caracas.

When asked Sunday about when Venezuela will hold democratic elections, Trump responded: “I think we’re looking more at getting it fixed.”

As the right rises, Trump puts enemies on notice

The Trump administration’s attack on Venezuela extends its broader crusade to assemble a column of allied — or at least acquiescent — governments in Latin America, sailing with the political winds blowing in much of the region.

Recent presidential elections from Chile to Honduras have elevated tough, Trump-like leaders who oppose immigration, prioritize security and promise a return to better, bygone eras free of globalization and “wokeness.”

“The president is going to be looking for allied and partner nations in the hemisphere who share his kind of broader ideological affinity,” said Alexander Gray, a senior fellow at the Atlantic Council, a Washington research institute.

Those who don’t share that ideology were put on notice this weekend. Trump said Cuba’s Communist government “looks like it’s ready to fall.” He slammed Sheinbaum’s failure to root out Mexican cartels, saying that “something’s going to have to be done with Mexico.” He repeated allegations that Petro “likes making cocaine” and warned that “he’s not going to be doing it very long.”

“We’re in the business of having countries around us that are viable and successful, where the oil is allowed to really come out,” he told reporters Sunday on Air Force One. “It’s our hemisphere.”

DeBre reported from Buenos Aires, Argentina. Associated Press writers Maria Verza in Mexico City and Darlene Superville aboard Air Force One contributed to this report.

DETROIT — Nick Marsh won’t be coming back to Michigan State after exploring his options in the transfer portal. Instead, he’ll play for a budding Big Ten power in Indiana.

Marsh committed to the Hoosiers Sunday after a visit to Bloomington, Ind., on Saturday. The rising junior wideout led the Spartans in receiving each of his first two seasons with 100 career receptions for 1,311 yards and nine touchdowns. In 2025, he set career highs in receptions (59), yards (662) and touchdowns (six).

Marsh was one of the earliest Spartans to enter the portal after the firing of Jonathan Smith and hiring of Pat Fitzgerald within two days of the end of the season. He joins the Hoosiers as the Big Ten champions ready for a College Football Playoff semifinal bout with Oregon, who the Hoosiers beat 30-20 on the road Oct. 11.

Michigan State also made its first adds in the transfer portal Sunday: offensive tackle Ben Murawski, who played for left tackle for Connecticut this past season and also has experience at left guard; and cornerback Tyran Chappell, who was a standout for Houston Christian in 2025.

Murawski, a 6-foot-7 and 335-pound Pennsylvanian, was one of PFF’s highest-graded run blockers and played for an offensive line that allowed just 16 sacks on the season, 17th best among all Football Bowl Subdivision schools.

There have been 41 Michigan State players have entered the transfer portal since it opened Friday, the latest addition being reserve cornerback Anthony Pinnace III. A whopping 11 of those players were offensive linemen, including left tackle Stanton Ramil, guards Gavin Broscious and Kristian Phillips, and right tackle Ashton Lepo, who all started at least one game. Fitzgerald changed offensive line coaches from Jim Michalczik, who came in under Smith, to Nick Tabacca, a longtime Wake Forest assistant who coached MSU center Matt Gulbin there before the NFL draft prospect came to East Lansing in 2025.

“Nick Tabacca is an established coach who has consistently demonstrated the ability to get the most out of his players and build a cohesive and effective offensive line,” Fitzgerald said in a statement Friday. “He cultivated one of the best O-lines in the ACC during his time at Wake Forest and has coached numerous players who have gone on to the NFL.”

The Spartans did secure the return of 2024 FCS All-American right tackle Conner Moore, as well as reserve linemen Andrew Dennis and Antonio Johnson, who all publicly announced their returns.

Murawski was a second-team Group of Five All-American as selected by HERO Sports, one of six Huskies to make the cut as Jim Mora’s Huskies went 9-4 with a loss to Army in the Fenway Bowl. Mora left for Colorado State before that game, and UConn hired Toledo coach Jason Candle to lead the program.

For years, Michigan State’s offensive line has struggled to assert itself, especially in the past two years under Smith. In 2025, Michigan State allowed 37 sacks, 12th most in the FBS, and carved the way for just 122.8 rushing yards per game, ranking 109th in the country.

Behind the offensive line, Michigan State’s other big position loss to the portal was among its defensive backs, especially its corners. The Spartans lost 10 defensive backs to the portal, returning just two cornerbacks, NiJhay Burt and Dorian Davis, with game experience that added up to 18 snaps in 2025. Burt was a senior in 2025 but played just three games and has a redshirt year to use.

The addition of Chappell is a big one for the secondary. He had four interceptions and 11 passes defended for Houston Christian this past season as his team went 2-10 in the Football Bowl Subdivision’s Southland Conference despite his strong play. Chappell is a product of Denton, Texas, and Ryan High School, the same program as Chance Rucker, a redshirt sophomore who entered the portal this offseason.

Texas is a particularly strong recruiting zone for Fitzgerald. Of 428 freshmen recruits to his Northwestern program across 17 years, 44 came from Texas, third-most behind Illinois (108) and Ohio (62).

Chappell will be coached by Hank Poteat, the former Iowa State cornerbacks coach who joined Fitzgerald’s staff formally on Friday. He won a Super Bowl with New England in 2005 and has coached corners at the FBS level since 2011.

“He won a Super Bowl ring and knows what it takes to succeed at the highest level,” Fitzgerald said. “I’m looking forward to him bringing that mindset to our defense on a daily basis.”

In the wake of a disappointing end to the 2025 season, Detroit Lions coach Dan Campbell has been consistent about two things when it comes to this upcoming offseason:

Changes are coming and he will be looking at everything.

Where are those changes most likely to occur? More importantly, how can the Lions (8-8) get back into the playoffs in 2026? Here’s a look at the three biggest issues facing the Lions entering the offseason, and how they can overcome them to become a contender once again.

Fix the offensive line

The Lions always expected to lose offensive coordinator Ben Johnson and defensive coordinator Aaron Glenn at some point. They did not expect to lose All-Pro center Frank Ragnow to sudden retirement when they did, and the lack of preparedness to tackle that scenario would hang over the entire season like a dark cloud.

Detroit’s run game was consistently inconsistent. The Lions ran for under 100 yards in seven of 16 games — they had just eight such instances over the last three seasons combined — and lost all seven of those contests. While the pass protection was nothing to write home about for most of the season, the Lions’ deficiencies on the ground robbed them of their identity, which left them up creek without a paddle when adversity struck in the back half of the season. As the Lions’ season fell apart, their offense merely tried to hold on for dear life to make up for a subpar defense, rather than dictate the terms of engagement, as we’ve grown accustomed to seeing.

“It’s always been a big emphasis every single week, the run game and trying to get it going,” Lions offensive coordinator John Morton said this week. “And sometimes you get behind the eight ball, and you’ve got to throw it, and sometimes you don’t get the right looks, and sometimes we just aren’t executing. We all have our hand in all of this, so it’s just a little bit of everything. It’s frustrating.”

This can partially be attributed to a lack of detail throughout the entire offense — more on that later — but generally speaking, the absence of Ragnow was the critical factor in Detroit’s shortcomings. He retired after the draft and most prime free-agent windows, when other teams had already settled their rosters, which forced the Lions to play a past-his-prime Graham Glasgow at the position.

If the Lions want to take a legitimate swing at solving these problems for 2026, general manager Brad Holmes will have to get aggressive in luring in a veteran center to take over the role. Before Detroit’s season finale at Chicago, Campbell was asked how critical it is to get the run game back on track next season: “It’s everything,” he said. “It’s everything.”

Setting aside the on-field results of last season, there’s even more urgency this upcoming offseason: Glasgow, and potentially reliable left tackle Taylor Decker, seem to be inching toward retirement.

It’s always possible that Holmes seeks a solution through the draft, and the Lions should absolutely exhaust those options. But given their insistent stance against drafting for need, it doesn’t seem likely that’s a position they’ll put themselves in. Several interesting options are set to become free agents this offseason, such as Baltimore’s Tyler Linderbaum and Buffalo’s Connor McGovern. But if the Lions can’t reel in one of the big fish — it seems unlikely that either player will be allowed to walk to free agency — Holmes will have to look at the trade market.

Given how open Decker has been about his potential retirement, I don’t think the Lions will be unprepared to attack his departure. But they don’t currently have anybody on the roster that you’d feel comfortable with tabbing as a starter going into the offseason — former fourth-round pick Giovanni Manu has not shown enough to be in that conversation yet — so they’ll probably have to make a significant effort to bring in a veteran there, as well.

No matter what happens with the veteran acquisition process, the Lions will have to begin restocking the offensive line cupboard with higher-floor pieces than they currently have on the roster. Tate Ratledge and right tackle Penei Sewell are the only linemen to be picked by Holmes before Day 3 of the draft.

Of course, player acquisition is never easy. But Holmes has mostly done a good job of bringing in the right veterans to supplement his roster over the years, and solving that problem this offseason is still a fairly realistic outcome.

Refresh the defense

The Lions’ defense completely fell apart at the hands of explosive plays down the final stretch of the season. Injuries to the Lions’ secondary didn’t help, especially when one of those players (Kerby Joseph) is one of the most feared middle-field coverage defenders in the league, and the other (Brian Branch) is a Swiss Army Knife whose location must be identified before every play. Detroit has allowed 56 pass plays of 20-plus yards this season, fourth-most in the league entering Week 18.

That said, the Lions actually got decent play from reserves such as Thomas Harper and Avonte Maddox — plus a healthy front seven — so not all the blame falls on attrition.

Of the 11 highest-paid pending free agents on the Lions’ roster, 10 of them are defensive players, and six of them play on the defensive line. Three of those defensive linemen — Josh Paschal, Marcus Davenport and Levi Onwuzurike — were injury-prone gambles that didn’t work out.

Though defensive coordinator Kelvin Sheppard said he “doesn’t see drastic change” coming to the scheme, the impending turnover should help the Lions reimagine how they want this to look.

And no matter what the sack numbers say, the Lions need help affecting the quarterback. Detroit has the fifth-slowest time to pressure (2.86 seconds) in the NFL, and it was painfully obvious as one quarterback after another — a group that includes Giants third-stringer Jameis Winston — tore up the Lions’ defense.

It’s expected that Tyleik Williams and Alim McNeill will be the starting defensive tackles next season, meaning the signings there will largely be for depth. The Lions would surely like to bring back edge defender Al-Quadin Muhammad, who has 11 sacks, but he might’ve priced himself out of a return, especially considering that Detroit did not trust him against the run. There will still be a need for a starting defensive end to play opposite Aidan Hutchinson, which could be solved via a strong draft class at that position.

In the secondary, Detroit’s biggest offseason hurdle will be seeing through the cloudy injury statuses that dim the group’s future. Branch’s Achilles injury could cost him significant time next season, and Joseph couldn’t deliver a positive update on the status of his knee injury when asked earlier this season, saying, “You don’t fix it. Just keep the faith.”

The Lions invested heavily in cornerback D.J. Reed last offseason (three years, $48 million) and likely won’t be making any major moves with him, after he appeared to be limited by his hamstring injury after coming off of injured reserve. Their other starting cornerback, Terrion Arnold, ended the season on injured reserve with a shoulder injury, but he showed positive strides before being placed on the shelf.

In an ideal world, former second-round pick Ennis Rakestraw could take over the starting nickel cornerback job next season, allowing Detroit to shed some salary by letting Amik Robertson walk in free agency. But with Rakestraw unable to stay healthy for the second year in a row and Branch’s outlook uncertain, Detroit will probably look into bringing Robertson back to compete for the starting nickel job.

All of this is to say that the Lions’ best chance at fixing the defense starts up front, where they’ll have ample opportunity to reshape what this team looks like.

Find a new offensive play caller

While both of the Lions’ new coordinators struggled at various points this season, it seems likely that Sheppard’s job is safer than Morton’s. Sheppard’s personnel and scheme was inherited, and Campbell has invested a lot into his development as a coach. Plus, as a more offensive-minded coach, Campbell could be slower to make sweeping changes on the defensive side of the ball. And then there’s the tangible act of Morton actually having play-calling duties taken away from him at the season’s midway point.

Campbell said the primary reason for taking over play-calling was that Morton wasn’t able to bring his vision to life, but there was a Johnson press conference answer that went viral this week and was a good reminder of what else Detroit was missing offensively: Accountability. Asked about a red-zone sequence gone wrong, Johnson immediately took responsibility for how things ended.

“That field-goal drive, once we got in the red zone, I wasn’t very happy with how I called that,” Johnson said, putting the failure squarely on his own shoulders.

This was something Morton never did. Now, there were probably plenty of times where something that went wrong was actually the fault of the players and their execution. But the fact that the offensive coordinator is constantly pointing that out publicly instead of offering any sort of self-reflection probably didn’t sit well with players who’ve played in prolific offenses over the last few years.

Not to mention, a lack of thoughtfulness regarding the problems probably made it difficult to actually solve them. If and when the Lions move on from Morton, the next candidate should have two main qualities: Accountability and attention to detail.

Until the coaching carousel starts to spin next week, we won’t have much clarity on the options for a potential Morton replacement. Campbell essentially has two options for how he’ll proceed: He can either try to find another play-calling coordinator so that he can continue to focus on the bigger-picture in-game duties, or lean into being a play-calling head coach and supplement his staff to make up for the game management aspects.

Judging by how reluctant he’s been to do the play-calling, it seems like a safe bet that Campbell will try to bring in another play-caller. But on the flip side, two of Campbell’s three offensive-coordinator hires have been legitimate disasters, so not only is there a concern that he’ll get the next hire right, but there’s also the worry that any quality hire will eventually be poached as a head coach, starting the process over again. Becoming a play-calling head coach could give Detroit the best chance at long-term stability.

CHICAGO — If this is it for Dan Skipper, he wouldn’t change a thing.

Skipper, who has spent the better part of his nine-year career with the Detroit Lions, is unsure of his future beyond Sunday’s victory over the Chicago Bears. Skipper, with tears in his eyes, told reporters in the locker room at Soldier Field that he’s dealing with issues related to his lower back “that might push me out.”

Asked if the decision regarding retirement will be his or instead left up to the doctors he plans to soon meet with, Skipper, 31, said “it’s a little bit of both.” The 6-foot-9 offensive tackle added: “You start getting some pretty intense surgeries — I’m old, tall. So, we’ll see what happens.”

A fan favorite as Detroit’s swing tackle and a key piece in the team’s jumbo package, Skipper has carved out a role for himself with the Lions. He was at the heart of a controversial ruling against the Dallas Cowboys two years ago, when officials ruled he reported eligible, making teammate Taylor Decker, who caught what first appeared to be the go-ahead 2-point attempt with less than 30 seconds remaining, an ineligible receiver.

Skipper’s standing as a folk hero has only grown since. Since that moment in Dallas, fans at Ford Field have cheered for Skipper every time he checks in and the referee announces he’s reported as an eligible receiver. Skipper and his teammates often have to wave their arms up and down, reminding the crowd to be quiet while quarterback Jared Goff is relaying play calls in the huddle.

“Finding a way to just stick around and stick in and finding a home and (having) guys that appreciate you, a place to take you in. It’s a special place,” Skipper said of his career, reflecting on his time in Detroit. “It’ll always hold a place in our heart. We had a kid born here. My boys know the damn fight song.”

Skipper said there were moments he wasn’t sure if he was going to be able to physically make it through this season, and that he owes his availability to Detroit’s medical team: “I’ve just never had a ‘quit’ bone in me. I don’t know, maybe that would’ve saved me at some point,” Skipper said. “You just find a way to play through it for the guys next to you, for your family, for everyone else. You just give it everything you’ve got each week.

“Some weeks are all right, and some weeks you can’t f—— move. It just felt like, as it went on, you start not being able to move and it’s frustrating and it’s hard. You’re like, man, stuff that you have been able to do for a long time, you can’t anymore. It sucks. But it’s just part of the aging process of being here and being hurt and everything else. I … owe a lot of it to the training staff.”

An undrafted free agent in 2017 who initially signed with the Cowboys out of Arkansas, Skipper began his first stint with the Lions in September 2017. He’d go on to make pit stops with various teams — the Denver Broncos (2018), New England Patriots (2018-19) and Houston Texans (2019) — before returning to the Lions for the 2019 and 2020 seasons. Skipper was briefly with the Las Vegas Raiders (2021) and Indianapolis Colts (2023) over the next five years, but each of his 16 career starts (all since 2022) have come with Detroit, where he’s been since 2023.

The Lions (9-8) capped their season by walking off the Bears, as Jake Bates connected on a 42-yard field goal as time expired, with Skipper blocking on the play. Detroit missed the playoffs after beginning the season with Super Bowl aspirations, but Sunday’s result in Chicago secured the Lions their fourth consecutive campaign above .500, something that hadn’t been done in more than 50 years.

Skipper has 68 appearances in his career. All but three of those have come with the Lions.

“If this is it,” Skipper said, “no regrets.”

Who do the Detroit Lions play in 2026?

With the Minnesota Vikings beating the Green Bay Packers on Sunday — a result that means Detroit will finish last in the NFC North — we now know the full answer to that question.

The Lions are set to play nine games at home and eight on the road next season, though one of those home contests will likely be played overseas; Detroit has been told its going to play internationally, but the location and opponent has not been announced.

Six of the Lions’ 2026 games will come against NFC North rivals, of course. They’ll also play the NFC South and AFC East. Finishing last in the NFC North in 2025 secured the Lions a fourth-place schedule, meaning their remaining three opponents in 2026 are the Tennessee Titans, New York Giants and Arizona Cardinals. Had the Lions finished third, their remaining opponents would’ve been the Indianapolis Colts, Washington Commanders and one of the San Francisco 49ers or Los Angeles Rams.

Nine of Detroit’s upcoming 14 opponents in 2026 finished this season with a record under .500. For comparison, four of Detroit’s foes in 2025 finished 2024 with a record under .500.

Lions’ 2026 opponents

Home: Chicago Bears, Green Bay Packers, Minnesota Vikings, New England Patriots, New Orleans Saints, New York Giants, New York Jets, Tampa Bay Buccaneers, Tennessee Titans

Away: Chicago Bears, Green Bay Packers, Minnesota Vikings, Arizona Cardinals, Atlanta Falcons, Buffalo Bills, Carolina Panthers, Miami Dolphins

CHICAGO — Richard Silva grades the Detroit Lions in their 19-16 win over the Chicago Bears on Sunday.

Quarterback

Jared Goff had a stellar first half, completing 19 of his 28 attempts for 205 yards and a touchdown. The Lions leaned on their passing attack early — only 10 of Detroit’s 39 plays in the first half were rushes — and Goff rose to the occasion, orchestrating drives of 35, 55, 71 and 76 yards before intermission, and the 35-yarder put the Lions in position to score at the end of the second quarter. Goff was not as prolific in the second half, and he made a critical mistake when he tried to shove a pass into tight coverage that was picked off by safety Kevin Byard. Grade: B

Running backs

It wasn’t a dominating outing for either Jahmyr Gibbs or David Montgomery, but the duo combined for an above-average rate of 4.5 yards per carry, and it tacked on 46 yards in the receiving game. Gibbs found the end zone on a Texas route, beating linebacker T.J. Edwards for a 15-yard touchdown. Montgomery was helpful on Detroit’s second possession of the third quarter, accounting for 32 yards on a drive that resulted in the Lions taking their largest lead. Grade: B-

Wide receivers/tight ends

This game, despite the absence of stakes, certainly seemed to mean something to Amon-Ra St. Brown, who finished with 139 yards on 11 catches. St. Brown benefitted from a large target share (35.7% of Goff’s attempts went in St. Brown’s direction), but he was also fairly explosive, notching seven receptions of 10 or more yards, including a 30-yarder to put Gibbs in position to score two plays later. Jameson Williams was solid with the ball in his hands (46 of his 74 yards came after the catch), and Kalif Raymond and Isaac TeSlaa chipped in a combined 70 yards. Grade: A

Offensive line

There were certainly negative moments — Goff’s first sack was due to subpar protection from Christian Mahogany and Chris Hubbard, and Graham Glasgow was beaten by defensive tackle Gervon Dexter Sr. on the quarterback’s second — but the offensive line largely held up well, especially without Penei Sewell. Hubbard got the start in Sewell’s place at right tackle, and he was able to get out in space effectively on a couple outside runs, as well as on a screen pass to Williams that went for 12 yards. The unit was flagged once, and the call (a holding penalty on Tate Ratledge) was questionable. Grade: B-

Defensive line

Bears quarterback Caleb Williams was only sacked once and wasn’t consistently moved off his spot, though the general lack of pressure didn’t sting the Lions until the fourth quarter. That was partly due to the opponent’s own issues — drops and misfires were issues for Chicago — but also because of Detroit’s run defense; running backs D’Andre Swift and Kyle Monangai combined for 54 yards on 16 rushes. The Lions’ offense deserves a hat tip for limiting Swift and Monangai, as the visitors at Soldier Field dominated time of possession, recording a 10:30 advantage. Aidan Hutchinson, who was impactful as a run defender, extended his career-high sack total (14.5). Grade: B

Linebackers

Linebackers looked to be at fault on a couple notable plays, including Williams’ touchdown pass to tight end Colston Loveland that tied the score with fewer than six minutes remaining. The rookie got lost in coverage, and either Derrick Barnes or Malcolm Rodriguez didn’t pick him up. Barnes had a massive play earlier in the game (a fourth-down pass breakup against Loveland), but he was also run at on multiple occasions, and he struggled to hold the edge. The Lions put Rodriguez in a difficult position when they left him as the only defender in coverage over the middle of the field on a late third-and-long, but he was slow to react to Loveland, who crossed his face for the first down. Grade: D

Secondary

Avonte Maddox snatched his first interception in more than three years, boxing out receiver D.J. Moore on a deep ball launched to the opposite side of the field. That was before the fourth quarter, when Williams heated up and completed nine of his 13 throws for 123 yards and two touchdowns, as well as posting a couple of 2-point conversions. Chicago’s first touchdown was against zone coverage, so it’s difficult to discern who was directly at fault. Amik Roberston was the closest defender, but it appeared Maddox might have been out of position. Grade: B-

Special teams

Jake Bates made his first two field goals (from 30 and 34 yards) before missing a 53-yarder as time expired in the first half. He redeemed himself at the buzzer, connecting on a 42-yarder for the win. Raymond had a fine showing as a punt returner (an average of 11 yards on three tries), and punter Jack Fox averaged 46.5 yards on his two attempts. Grade: A

Coaching

How the Lions handled their second-to-last drive was baffling, and that’s being polite. Following an encroachment penalty on the Bears that gave the Lions a fresh set of downs, Detroit proceeded to pass the ball three consecutive times. On first down, an incompletion stopped the clock. On second down, Goff was flagged for intentional grounding. On third down, he tossed an interception. The Lions were running the ball well, and there was no reason to go away from it at that point. It didn’t end up mattering, but the sequence was quite questionable. Grade: C

By JOSH FUNK, Associated Press Business Writer

President Donald Trump’s plan to take control of Venezuela’s oil industry and ask American companies to revitalize it after capturing President Nicolás Maduro in a raid isn’t likely to have a significant immediate impact on oil prices.

Venezuela’s oil industry is in disrepair after years of neglect and international sanctions, so it could take years and major investments before production can increase dramatically. But some analysts are optimistic that Venezuela could double or triple its current output of about 1.1 million barrels of oil a day to return to historic levels fairly quickly.

“While many are reporting Venezuela’s oil infrastructure was unharmed by U.S. military actions, it has been decaying for many many years and will take time to rebuild,” said Patrick De Haan, who is the lead petroleum analyst at gasoline price tracker GasBuddy.

American oil companies will want a stable regime in the country before they are willing to invest heavily, and the political picture remained uncertain Saturday with Trump saying that the United States is in charge — while the current Venezuelan vice president argued, before Venezuela’s high court ordered her to assume the role of interim president, that Maduro should be restored to power.

“But if it seems like the U.S. is successful in running the country for the next 24 hours, I would say there would be a lot of optimism that U.S. energy companies could come in and revitalize the Venezuelan oil industry fairly quickly,” said Phil Flynn, a senior market analyst at the Price Futures Group.

And if Venezuela can grow into an oil production powerhouse, Flynn said “that could cement lower prices for the longer term” and put more pressure on Russia.

Speaking to reporters on Air Force One on Sunday, Trump said oil companies are “going to go in and rebuild this system.”

A major shift in oil prices wasn’t expected because Venezuela is a member of OPEC, so its production is already accounted for there. And there is currently a surplus of oil on the global market.

The price of U.S. crude oil lost 23 cents early Monday to $57.09 per barrel. Brent crude, the international standard, gave up 18 cents to $60.57 per barrel.

Proven reserves

Venezuela is known to have the world’s largest proven crude oil reserves of approximately 303 billion barrels, according to the U.S. Energy Information Administration. That accounts for roughly 17% of all global oil reserves.

So international oil companies have reason to be interested in Venezuela. Exxon Mobil didn’t immediately respond to a request for comment Saturday. ConocoPhillips spokesperson Dennis Nuss said by email that the company “is monitoring developments in Venezuela and their potential implications for global energy supply and stability. It would be premature to speculate on any future business activities or investments.”

Chevron is the only one with significant operations in Venezuela, where it produces about 250,000 barrels a day. Chevron, which first invested in Venezuela in the 1920s, does business in the country through joint ventures with the state-owned company Petróleos de Venezuela S.A., commonly known as PDVSA.

“Chevron remains focused on the safety and wellbeing of our employees, as well as the integrity of our assets. We continue to operate in full compliance with all relevant laws and regulations,” Chevron spokesman Bill Turenne said.

But even with those massive reserves, Venezuela has been producing less than 1% of the world’s crude oil supply. Corruption, mismanagement and U.S. economic sanctions saw production steadily decline from the 3.5 million barrels per day pumped in 1999 to today’s levels.

The problem isn’t finding the oil. It’s a question of the political environment and whether companies can count on the government to live up to their contracts. Back in 2007, then President Hugo Chávez nationalized much of the oil production and forced major players like ExxonMobil and ConocoPhillips out.

“The issue is not just that the infrastructure is in bad shape, but it’s mostly about how do you get foreign companies to start pouring money in before they have a clear perspective on the political stability, the contract situation and the like,” said Francisco Monaldi, who is the director of the Latin American energy program at Rice University.

But the infrastructure does need significant investment.

“The estimate is that in order for Venezuela to increase from one million barrels per day — that is what it produces today — to four million barrels, it will take about a decade and about a hundred billion dollars of investment,” Monaldi said.

Strong demand

Venezuela produces the kind of heavy crude oil that’s needed for diesel fuel, asphalt and other fuels for heavy equipment. Diesel is in short supply around the world because of the sanctions on oil from Venezuela and Russia and because America’s lighter crude oil can’t easily replace it.

Years ago, American refineries on the Gulf Coast were optimized to handle that kind of heavy crude at a time when U.S. oil production was falling and Venezuelan and Mexican crude was plentiful. So refineries would love to have more access to Venezuela’s crude because it would help them operate more efficiently, and it tends to be a little cheaper.

Boosting Venezuelan production could also make it easier to put pressure on Russia because Europe and the rest of the world could get more of the diesel and heavy oil they need from Venezuela and stop buying from Russia.

“There’s been a big benefit for Russia to see Venezuela’s oil industry collapse. And the reason is because they were a competitor on the global stage for that oil market,” Flynn said.

Complicated legal picture

But Matthew Waxman, a Columbia University law professor who was a national security official in the George W. Bush administration, said seizing control of Venezuela’s resources opens up additional legal issues.

“For example, a big issue will be who really owns Venezuela’s oil?” Waxman wrote in an email. “An occupying military power can’t enrich itself by taking another state’s resources, but the Trump administration will probably claim that the Venezuelan government never rightfully held them.”

But Waxman, who served in the State and Defense departments and on the National Security Council under Bush, noted that “we’ve seen the administration talk very dismissively about international law when it comes to Venezuela.”

Associated Press writers Matt O’Brien, Ben Finley, Darlene Superville and Rio Yamat contributed to this report.

By DARLENE SUPERVILLE and AAMER MADHANI, Associated Press

ABOARD AIR FORCE ONE (AP) — President Donald Trump on Sunday told reporters that U.S. officials have determined that Ukraine did not target a residence belonging to Russian President Vladimir Putin in a drone attack last week, disputing Kremlin claims that Trump had initially greeted with deep concern.

Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov last week said Ukraine launched a wave of drones at Putin’s state residence in the northwestern Novgorod region that the Russian defense systems were able to defeat. Lavrov also criticized Kyiv for launching the attack at a moment of intensive negotiations to end the war.

The allegation came just a day after Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy had traveled to Florida for talks with Trump on the U.S. administration’s still-evolving 20-point plan aimed at ending the war. Zelenskyy quickly denied the Kremlin allegation.

Trump said that “something happened nearby” Putin’s residence but that Americans officials didn’t find the Russian president’s residence was targeted.

“I don’t believe that strike happened,” Trump told reporters as he traveled back to Washington on Sunday after spending two weeks at his home in Florida. “We don’t believe that happened, now that we’ve been able to check.”

Trump addressed the U.S. determination after European officials argued that the Russian claim was nothing more than an effort by Moscow to undermine the peace effort.

But Trump, at least initially, had appeared to take the Russian allegations at face value. He told reporters last Monday that Putin had also raised the matter during a phone he had with the Russian leader earlier that day. And Trump said he was “very angry” about the accusation.

By Wednesday, Trump appeared to be downplaying the Russian claim. He posted a link to a New York Post editorial on his social media platform that raised doubt about the Russian allegation. The editorial lambasted Putin for choosing “lies, hatred, and death” at a moment that Trump has claimed is “closer than ever before” to moving the two sides to a deal to end the war.

The U.S. president has struggled to fulfill a pledge to quickly end the war in Ukraine and has shown irritation with both Zelenskyy and Putin as he tried to mediate an end to a conflict he boasted on the campaign trail that he could end in one day.

Both Trump and Zelenskyy said last week they made progress in their talks at Trump’s Mar-a-Lago resort.

But Putin has shown little interest in ending the war until all of Russia’s objectives are met, including winning control of all Ukrainian territory in the key industrial Donbas region and imposing severe restrictions on the size of Ukraine’s post-war military and the type of weaponry it can possess.

Madhani reported from Washington.

By LISA MASCARO, Associated Press Congressional Correspondent

WASHINGTON (AP) — Approaching the fifth anniversary of the Jan. 6, 2021, attack on the Capitol, the official plaque honoring the police who defended democracy that day is nowhere to be found.

It’s not on display at the Capitol, as is required by law. Its whereabouts aren’t publicly known, though it’s believed to be in storage.

House Speaker Mike Johnson, a Louisiana Republican, has yet to formally unveil the plaque. And the Trump administration’s Department of Justice is seeking to dismiss a police officers’ lawsuit asking that it be displayed as intended. The Architect of the Capitol, which was responsible for obtaining and displaying the plaque, said in light of the federal litigation, it cannot comment.

Determined to preserve the nation’s history, some 100 members of Congress, mostly Democrats, have taken it upon themselves to memorialize the moment. For months, they’ve mounted poster board-style replicas of the Jan. 6 plaque outside their office doors, resulting in a Capitol complex awash with makeshift remembrances.

“On behalf of a grateful Congress, this plaque honors the extraordinary individuals who bravely protected and defended this symbol of democracy on Jan. 6, 2021,” reads the faux bronze stand-in for the real thing. “Their heroism will never be forgotten.”

Jan. 6 void in the Capitol

In Washington, a capital city lined with monuments to the nation’s history, the plaque was intended to become a simple but permanent marker, situated near the Capitol’s west front, where some of the most violent fighting took place as rioters breached the building.

But in its absence, the missing plaque makes way for something else entirely — a culture of forgetting.

Visitors can pass through the Capitol without any formal reminder of what happened that day, when a mob of President Donald Trump’s supporters stormed the building trying to overturn the Republican’s 2020 reelection defeat to Democrat Joe Biden. With memory left unchecked, it allows new narratives to swirl and revised histories to take hold.

Five years ago, the jarring scene watched the world over was declared an “insurrection” by the then-GOP leader of the Senate, while the House GOP leader at the time called it his “saddest day” in Congress. But those condemnations have faded.

Trump calls it a “day of love.” And Johnson, who was among those lawmakers challenging the 2020 election results, is now the House speaker.

“The question of January 6 remains – democracy was on the guillotine — how important is that event in the overall sweep of 21st century U.S. history,” said Douglas Brinkley, a professor of history at Rice University and noted scholar.

“Will January 6 be seen as the seminal moment when democracy was in peril?” he asked. Or will it be remembered as “kind of a weird one-off?”

“There’s not as much consensus on that as one would have thought on the fifth anniversary,” he said.

Memories shift, but violent legacy lingers

At least five people died in the riot and its aftermath, including Trump supporter Ashli Babbitt, who was fatally shot by police while trying to climb through a window toward the House chamber. More than 140 law enforcement officers were wounded, some gravely, and several died later, some by suicide.

All told, some 1,500 people were charged in the Capitol attack, among the largest federal prosecutions in the nation’s history. When Trump returned to power in January 2025, he pardoned all of them within hours of taking office.

Unlike the twin light beams that commemorated the Sept. 11, 2001, attack or the stand-alone chairs at the Oklahoma City bombing site memorial, the failure to recognize Jan. 6 has left a gap not only in memory but in helping to stitch the country back together.

“That’s why you put up a plaque,” said Rep. Mary Gay Scanlon, D-Pa. “You respect the memory and the service of the people involved.”

Police sue over Jan. 6 plaque, DOJ seeks to dismiss

The speaker’s office over the years has suggested it was working on installing the plaque, but it declined to respond to a request for further comment.

Lawmakers approved the plaque in March 2022 as part of a broader government funding package. The resolution said the U.S. “owes its deepest gratitude to those officers,” and it set out instructions for an honorific plaque listing the names of officers “who responded to the violence that occurred.” It gave a one-year deadline for installation at the Capitol.

This summer, two officers who fought the mob that day sued over the delay.

“By refusing to follow the law and honor officers as it is required to do, Congress encourages this rewriting of history,” said the claim by officers Harry Dunn and Daniel Hodges. “It suggests that the officers are not worthy of being recognized, because Congress refuses to recognize them.”

The Justice Department is seeking to have the case dismissed. U.S. Attorney Jeanine Pirro and others argued Congress “already has publicly recognized the service of law enforcement personnel” by approving the plaque and displaying it wouldn’t alleviate the problems they claim to face from their work.

“It is implausible,” the Justice Department attorneys wrote, to suggest installation of the plaque “would stop the alleged death threats they claim to have been receiving.”

The department also said the plaque is required to include the names of “all law enforcement officers” involved in the response that day — some 3,600 people.

Makeshift memorials emerge

Lawmakers who’ve installed replicas of the plaque outside their offices said it’s important for the public to know what happened.

“There are new generations of people who are just growing up now who don’t understand how close we came to losing our democracy on Jan 6, 2021,” said Rep. Jamie Raskin, D-Md., a member of the Jan. 6 committee, which was opposed by GOP leadership but nevertheless issued a nearly 1,000-page report investigating the run-up to the attack and the attempt to overturn the 2020 election.

Raskin envisions the Capitol one day holding tours around what happened. “People need to study that as an essential part of American history,” he said.

“Think about the dates in American history that we know only by the dates: There’s the 4th of July. There’s December 7th. There’s 9/11. And there’s January 6th,” said Rep. Zoe Lofgren, D-calif., who also served on the committee and has a plaque outside her office.

“They really saved my life, and they saved the democracy and they deserve to be thanked for it,” she said.

But as time passes, there are no longer bipartisan memorial services for Jan. 6. On Tuesday, the Democrats will reconvene members from the Jan. 6 committee for a hearing to “examine ongoing threats to free and fair elections,” House Democratic Leader Hakeem Jeffries of New York announced. It’s unlikely Republicans will participate.

The Republicans under Johnson have tapped Rep. Barry Loudermilk of Georgia to stand up their own special committee to uncover what the speaker calls the “full truth” of what happened. They’re planning a hearing this month.

“We should stop this silliness of trying to whitewash history — it’s not going to happen,” said Rep. Joe Morelle, D-N.Y., who helped lead the effort to display the replica plaques.

“I was here that day so I’ll never forget,” he said. “I think that Americans will not forget what happened.”

The number of makeshift plaques that fill the halls is a testimony to that remembrance, he said.

Instead of one plaque, he said, they’ve “now got 100.”

In Meadow Brook Theatre’s upcoming production of “All Shook Up,” Chad (Nick Cortazzo) shakes things up among some uptight small-town residents when he arrives with his guitar, playing Elvis tunes.

“Chad is a roustabout who has music inside of his heart,” said Cortazzo, a Pittsburgh native who lives in New York City. “He travels to little towns and communities and spreads joy, love and music.“

The people in this unnamed town are “stuck in their ways” until Chad shows up, Cortazzo said. The musical follows the plot of (Shakespeare’s) “Twelfth Night,” he noted. “It’s a big love web triangle. Everyone’s in love with everyone.

“Natalie (Mirabella Ziegler) is a mechanic in her dad’s garage. Her dad, Jim (Danny Gurwin), is getting over the death of his wife. He eventually falls in love with Sandra (Kassandra Aguilar-Haddock).

“Sylvia (Milika Cherée) runs the bar in town, and she has a daughter, Lorraine (Lauren M. Smith), who falls in love with Dean (Chase Williams), son of the mayor Matilda (Amy Hillner Larsen). She is strict, and everything needs to be her way. She doesn’t allow dancing, hip gyrating.”

Natalie falls in love with Chad. But Chad is in love with Sandra, who owns the town museum. Sandra is in love with Ed (Natalie in disguise). “She puts on a hat, draws with grease a fake beard and becomes Ed. She disguises herself so she can get close to Chad because he doesn’t give her the time of day,” Cortazzo said.

Audiences must wait till the end of the show to see who winds up with whom, Cortazzo said.

There are 24 Elvis songs throughout the show. Cortazzo sings most of them, “but we spread the wealth,” he said. “Everyone gets their chance to shine.”

The show starts with “Jailhouse Rock,” the first act ends with “Can’t Help Falling in Love,” and the second act starts with “All Shook Up.” The last song is “Burning Love.”

“The show was on Broadway in early to mid-2000s, and after that, they did a little reworking before launching the national tour,” Cortazzo said.

During his freshman year in high school, he played Dennis, who is portrayed by Jackson Cole Cook in this production.

“It’s fun to revisit the show in a different role 12 years later,” Cortazzo said. As the lead, he’s in almost every scene. “It’s a heavy lift, but it’s a fun challenge.”

Cortazzo graduated in musical theater in 2021 from Baldwin Wallace University in Berea, Ohio. He moved to New York and toured with “Hairspray” as Link Larkin from 2022-23. After that, he performed in regional theater productions. From 2023-24, he was part of the first national tour of “Hadestown.”

This is his first time at Meadow Brook.

“I didn’t know anyone in the cast before coming here,” he said. “It’s been great getting to know new people. Most of the leads (except actors playing Natalie and Dean, who are OU students) are from New York. The ensemble is primarily OU students.

“I hope everyone dances the night away with us!”

The show opens Wednesday, Jan. 7 and runs through Feb. 1 at the theatre on the campus of Oakland University, 378 Meadow Brook Road, Rochester.

“All Shook Up” is directed by Travis W. Walter with choreography by Jacob ben Widmar and music direction by Eric Shorey. Scenic design is by Jen Price Fick, assistant scenic design by Annie Eloise Findlay, lighting design by Matt Fick, assistant lighting design by Ash Ritter, costume design by Whitney Locher, wig design by Chad Harlow, assistant costume design by Trish Brown, sound design by Kyle Jensen and assistant sound design by Lorelei Preiss. The dance captain is Emily Ann Stys, and the assistant dance captain is Naomi Jarvis. Brittanie Nichole Sicker is the stage manager and Ellen Marie Peck is the assistant stage manager.

Tickets range from $40 to $48 and are available by calling the Meadow Brook Theatre box office at 248-377-3300 or going online to ticketmaster.com. Student discounts are available at the box office. Groups of eight or more should call 248-370-3316 for group pricing.

CLARKSTON – The Clarkston Everest Collegiate Mountaineers dropped a Catholic High School League crossover matchup to the Jackson Lumen Christi Titans, 56-45, at home Saturday afternoon.

The Mountaineers hung tough early, but a 10-0 run that bridged the end of the first quarter and the beginning of the second quarter put the Titans up 21-14, and Everest never led again.

Everest put up a fight to the end, finishing the game on a 7-0 run of its own and outscoring the Titans in the fourth quarter, but it was too little, too late for the hosts. They came into the game shorthanded, having only seven players available in their first game returning from the holiday break.

Nolan Alban and Dominic Walker each scored 13 points to lead Everest, while Sean Felix had nine points and seven rebounds. Additionally, Benjamin Sasak contributed seven points and six rebounds.

But the Mountaineers never really got an offensive rhythm in this one, and they also had rebounding trouble. The Titans piled up a 33-25 edge on the glass and were particularly effective on the offense boards in the middle two periods when they build their lead.

“That will be a big focus moving forward, just doing a better job on the glass rebounding,” Everest head coach Richie Cross said.

The Mountaineers also had no answer for Jonathan Morgan, who poured in 28 points for Lumen Christi.

After a 24-2 campaign last year that saw the Mountaineers reach a regional final (they lost to eventual D4 semifinalist Allen Park Inter-City Baptist), the Mountaineers are off to another solid start, sitting at 5-3 overall and 2-1 in the CHSL Intersectional 1 Division despite returning only three players who saw significant minutes last year.

“We have one starter from that team and basically two other guys who played a lot of minutes for us,” Cross said. “We’re really fortunate to have a lot of guys that are committed three-sport athletes. I think that really helps on the competitive side, and it really pays off for us,” he added.

Photos of Clarkston Everest Collegiate vs. Jackson Lumen Christi in a CHSL boys hoops crossover

That has not stopped the Mountaineers from scheduling tough games, often against much bigger schools.

“To us, this is just another opportunity to play kind of a crossover in the Catholic League and we're just grateful for Lumen Christi agreeing to play us (and) making the drive,” Cross said. “I think we’ll get there, but we’ve just got to keep getting as much experience for all the guys stepping into bigger roles this year.”

Next up for Everest is a road test against Detroit Douglass on Wednesday before hosting Marine City Cardinal Mooney next Friday to resume CHSL play.

“They (Cardinal Mooney) are always good. They are kind of a rival in recent years just because they’re another good Division 4 program. So you seem them not only in the Catholic League but you see them sometimes in a regional or in the state tournament,” Cross said.

Jackson Lumen Christi used a 10-0 run in the first half to win 56-45 at Clarkston Everest Collegiate on Saturday, Jan. 3, 2026.

By REGINA GARCIA CANO, JUAN ARRAEZ and ISABEL DEBRE, Associated Press

CARACAS, Venezuela (AP) — Uncertainty gripped Venezuela on Saturday as people scrambled to understand who was in charge of the South American country after a U.S. military operation captured President Nicolás Maduro.

“What will happen tomorrow? What will happen in the next hour? Nobody knows,” Caracas resident Juan Pablo Petrone said.

President Donald Trump delivered a shocking pick for who would take control: The United States, perhaps in coordination with one of Maduro’s most trusted aides.

Delcy Rodríguez has served as Maduro’s vice president since 2018, overseeing much of Venezuela’s oil-dependent economy as well as its feared intelligence service. But she is someone the Trump administration apparently is willing to work with, at least for now.

“She’s essentially willing to do what we think is necessary to make Venezuela great again,” Trump told reporters of Rodríguez, who faced U.S. sanctions during Trump’s first administration for her role in undermining Venezuelan democracy.

Long lines wound through supermarkets and outside gas stations as Venezuelans long used to crises stocked up once again. Small pro-government rallies broke out in parts of Caracas, but most streets remained empty in the nation of 29 million people.

In a major snub, Trump said opposition leader Maria Corina Machado, who was awarded last year’s Nobel Peace Prize, didn’t have the support to run the country.

Trump said Rodríguez had a long conversation with Secretary of State Marco Rubio in which Trump claimed she said, “‘We’ll do whatever you need.’”

“I think she was quite gracious,” Trump added. “We can’t take a chance that somebody else takes over Venezuela that doesn’t have the good of the Venezuelan people in mind.”

Rodríguez tried to project strength and unity among the ruling party’s many factions, downplaying any hint of betrayal. In remarks on state TV, she demanded the immediate release of Maduro and his wife, Cilia Flores, and denounced the U.S. operation as a flagrant violation of the United Nations charter.

“There is only one president in this country, and his name is Nicolás Maduro,” Rodríguez said, surrounded by top civilian officials and military commanders.

There was no immediate sign that the U.S. was running Venezuela.

No sign of a swearing-in

Trump indicated that Rodríguez had been sworn in already as president of Venezuela, per the transfer of power outlined in the constitution. However, state television has not broadcast any swearing-in ceremony.

In her televised address, Rodríguez did not declare herself acting president or mention a political transition. A ticker at the bottom of the screen identified her as the vice president. She gave no sign that she would be cooperating with the U.S.

“What is being done to Venezuela is an atrocity that violates international law,” she said. “History and justice will make the extremists who promoted this armed aggression pay.”

The Venezuelan constitution also says a new election must be called within a month in the event of the president’s absence. But experts have been debating whether the succession scenario would apply here, given the government’s lack of popular legitimacy and the extraordinary U.S. military intervention.

Venezuelan military officials were quick to project defiance in video messages.

“They have attacked us but will not break us,” said Defense Minister Gen. Vladimir Padrino López, dressed in fatigues.

Interior Minister Diosdado Cabello appeared on state TV in a helmet and flak jacket, urging Venezuelans to “trust in the political leadership and military” and “get out on the streets” to defend the country’s sovereignty.

“These rats attacked and they will regret what they did,” he said of the U.S.

Caracas residents like Yanire Lucas were left picking up shattered glass and other debris after an early-morning explosion in a military base next to her house.

“What is happening is unprecedented,” Lucas said, adding that her family is scared to leave home. “We’re still on edge, and now we’re uncertain about what to do.”

Strong ties with Wall Street

A lawyer educated in Britain and France, Rodríguez has a long history of representing the revolution started by the late Hugo Chávez on the world stage.

She and her brother, Jorge Rodríguez, head of the Maduro-controlled National Assembly, have strong leftist credentials born from tragedy. Their father was a socialist leader who died in police custody in the 1970s, a crime that shook many activists of the era, including a young Maduro.

Unlike many in Maduro’s inner circle, the Rodríguez siblings have avoided criminal indictment in the U.S. Delcy Rodríguez has developed strong ties with Republicans in the oil industry and on Wall Street who balked at the notion of U.S.-led regime change.

Among her past interlocutors was Blackwater founder Erik Prince and, more recently, Richard Grenell, a Trump special envoy who tried to negotiate a deal with Maduro for greater U.S. influence in Venezuela.

Fluent in English, Rodríguez is sometimes portrayed as a well-educated moderate in contrast to the military hardliners who took up arms with Chávez against Venezuela’s democratically elected president in the 1990s.

Many of them, especially Cabello, are wanted in the U.S. on drug trafficking charges and stand accused of serious human rights abuses. But they continue to hold sway over the armed forces, the traditional arbiter of political disputes in Venezuela.

That presents major challenges to Rodríguez asserting authority. But experts say that Venezuela’s power brokers have long had a habit of closing ranks behind their leaders.

“These leaders have all seen the value of staying united. Cabello has always taken a second seat or third seat, knowing that his fate is tied up with Maduro’s, and now he very well might do that again,” said David Smilde, a sociology professor at Tulane University who has conducted research into Venezuela’s political dynamics over the past three decades.

“A lot depends on what happened last night, which officials were taken out, what the state of the military looks like now,” Smilde said. “If it doesn’t have much firepower anymore, they’re more vulnerable and diminished and it will be easier for her to gain control.”

An apparent snub of the opposition

Shortly before Trump’s press conference, Machado, the opposition leader, called on her ally Edmundo González — a retired diplomat widely considered to have won the country’s disputed 2024 presidential election — to “immediately assume his constitutional mandate and be recognized as commander-in-chief.”

In an triumphant statement, Machado promised that her movement would “restore order, free political prisoners, build an exceptional country and bring our children back home.”

She added: “Today we are prepared to assert our mandate and take power.”

Asked about Machado, Trump was blunt: “I think it would be very tough for (Machado) to be the leader,” he said.

“She doesn’t have the support or respect within the country.”

Venezuelans expressed shock, with many speculating on social media that Trump had mixed up the two women’s names. Machado has not responded to Trump’s remarks.

Associated Press reporter Joshua Goodman contributed to this report from Miami. Debre reported from Buenos Aires, Argentina.

DETROIT (AP) — Bryan Rust and Yegor Chinakhov scored first-period goals and the Pittsburgh Penguins topped the Detroit Red Wings for the second time in three days, 4-1, on Saturday.

Rickard Rakell and Connor Dewar added empty-net goals to clinch Pittsburgh’s fourth consecutive victory. Kris Letang’s overtime goal gave the Penguins a 4-3 win over Detroit in Pittsburgh on Thursday.

Sidney Crosby extended his point streak to six games with two assists. Crosby, who scored two goals on Thursday, has four goals and six assists during that stretch and 53 points in 40 career games against the Red Wings.

Parker Wotherspoon had two assists and Stuart Skinner made 11 saves for the Penguins.

Alex DeBrincat scored his team-leading 22nd goal for Detroit. John Gibson stopped 27 shots for the Red Wings, who are 5-2-1 over their last eight games.

The Penguins led 2-0 after the first period. Rust lifted a shot over Gibson’s left shoulder 3:44 into the game. Ben Kindel passed the puck out of his zone to Chinakhov, who got behind Detroit’s defense and converted on the breakaway with 2:30 remaining in the period.

DeBrincat scored on a breakaway with 4:54 remaining in the second period. He clanged a shot off the right post during a power play later in the period.

Rakell and Dewar scored their empty-netters in the final minute.

Up next

Red Wings: Visit Ottawa on Monday.

By LISA MASCARO, JOSHUA GOODMAN and BEN FINLEY, Associated Press

WASHINGTON (AP) — The Trump administration’s capture of Venezuela’s president and claims that it will “run” the country are raising stark new questions about the legality of the U.S. actions and its future operations in the South American nation.

The middle-of-the-night seizure of Nicolás Maduro, who was transported with his wife on a U.S. warship to face narco-terrorism conspiracy charges in New York, is beyond even the most high-profile historical examples of aggressive American actions toward autocratic governments in Panama, Iraq and elsewhere, legal experts said. It came after a surprise U.S. incursion that rocked the Venezuelan capital with overnight explosions.

“This is clearly a blatant, illegal and criminal act,” said Jimmy Gurule, a Notre Dame Law School professor and former assistant U.S. attorney.

The stunning development caps months of aggressive U.S. military action in the region, including the bombing of boats accused of trafficking drugs and seizures of oil tankers off the coast of Venezuela. The Trump administration has conducted 35 known boat strikes against vessels, killing more than 115 people since September, and positioned an armada of warships in nearby waters.

The bigger debate than legality is yet to come, said John Yoo, an early architect of the George W. Bush administration’s policy in Iraq and now a law professor at the University of California, Berkeley.

“It’s easier to remove a dictator,” he said, based on his experience in the Iraq War. But ensuring the transition to a stable democratic government is “the harder part.”

Maduro’s arrest on anniversary of Noriega’s surrender

Maduro’s arrest came 36 years to the date of the surrender of Panama’s strongman Manuel Noriega, a notable milestone in American involvement in the Western Hemisphere. The U.S. invaded Panama in 1989 to arrest Noriega on drug trafficking charges.

In Panama, however, U.S. national security interests were directly at stake in the form of the Panama Canal as well as the safety of American citizens and U.S. military installations in the country.

By contrast, Congress has not authorized any American military strike or law enforcement move against Venezuela.

“The President will claim that this fits within a vast body of precedent supporting broad executive power to defend the United States, its citizens, and its interests,” Matthew Waxman, a Columbia University law professor who was a national security official in the Bush administration, said by email. “Critics will charge that this exceeds the bounds of presidential power without congressional authorization.”

While U.S. agents have a long history of snatching defendants abroad to execute arrest warrants without authorization, federal courts have long deferred to the White House in foreign policy and national security matters.

For example, U.S. bounty hunters, working under the direction of the Drug Enforcement Administration, in 1990 abducted in Mexico a doctor accused of killing DEA agent Enrique “Kiki” Camarena.

“Courts give great deference to the president on issues related to national security,” said Gurule, who led the prosecution against Camarena’s killers. “But great deference does not mean absolute deference and unfettered authority to do anything.”

Congress has yet to authorize or ban US actions

Trump’s administration has declared the drug cartels operating from Venezuela to be unlawful combatants and has said the United States is now in an “armed conflict” with them, according to an administration memo obtained in October by The Associated Press.

The memo appears to represent an extraordinary assertion of presidential war powers, with Trump effectively declaring that trafficking of drugs into the U.S. amounts to armed conflict requiring the use of military force. That is a new rationale for past and future actions.

Congress, which has broad authority to approve or prohibit the president’s war powers, has failed to do either, even as lawmakers from both political parties grow increasingly uneasy with the military actions in the region, particularly after it was revealed that U.S. forces killed two survivors of a boat attack with a follow-up strike.

Congress’ Democratic leaders, Sen. Chuck Schumer and Rep. Hakeem Jeffries, demanded immediate briefings for the “gang of eight” leaders on Capitol Hill, which includes top members of the Intelligence committees, as well as for other lawmakers. Congressional leaders were not notified of the actions until after the operation was underway.

“The idea that Trump plans to now run Venezuela should strike fear in the hearts of all Americans,” Schumer said. “The American people have seen this before and paid the devastating price.”

Michael Schmitt, a former Air Force lawyer and professor emeritus at the U.S. Naval War College, said the entire operation — the boat strikes as well as the apprehension of Maduro — clearly violates international law.

“Lawyers call it international armed conflict,” Schmitt said. “Lay people call it war. So as a matter of law, we are now at war with Venezuela because the use of hostilities between two states clearly triggers an internal armed conflict.”

War powers vote ahead

House Speaker Mike Johnson, R-La., said the administration “is working to schedule briefings” for lawmakers next week.

Republican lawmakers in Congress largely welcomed the capture of Maduro as ridding the region of a leader they say is responsible for drug trafficking, but Democratic lawmakers warned that in veering from the rule of law, the administration is potentially greenlighting other countries such as China or Russia to do the same.

“Beyond the legality, what kind of precedent does it send?” asked Sen. Mark Warner of Virginia, the top Democrat on the Senate Intelligence Committee. He said in an interview that the rebuilding plan ahead has echoes of the Iraq War as the Trump administration promises to use Venezuela’s oil revenue to pay the costs.

Waxman, the Columbia University law professor, said seizing control of Venezuela’s resources opens up additional legal issues: “For example, a big issue will be who really owns Venezuela’s oil?”

The Senate is expected to try again next week to curtail Trump’s actions, with a vote expected on a bipartisan war powers resolution that would block using U.S. forces against Venezuela unless authorized by Congress.

Senate Majority Leader John Thune, R-S.D., said he is grateful for the armed forces “who carried out this necessary action.” He said he spoke to Secretary of State Marco Rubio and wants more information.

“I look forward to receiving further briefings from the administration on this operation as part of its comprehensive counternarcotics strategy when the Senate returns to Washington next week,” Thune said.

Rubio said at a briefing Saturday with Trump that because of the nature of the surprise operation, it was not something that could be shared beforehand with the lawmakers.

Goodman reported from Miami.

By REGINA GARCIA CANO The Associated press

CARACAS, Venezuela (AP) — Nicolás Maduro, who rose from unionized bus driver to Venezuelan president and oversaw his country’s democratic undoing and economic collapse, was captured Saturday during an attack by U.S. forces on his capital.

U.S. President Donald Trump, in an early morning social media post, announced Maduro’s capture. Venezuela’s vice president, Delcy Rodríguez, later announced that the whereabouts of Maduro and his wife, Cilia Flores, remained unknown. Trump’s attorney general, Pam Bondi, said Maduro and Flores, would face charges after an indictment in New York.

Maduro’s fall was the culmination of months of stepped-up U.S. pressure on various fronts.

He had spent the last months of his presidency fueling speculation over the intentions of the U.S. government to attack and invade Venezuela with the goal of ending the self-proclaimed socialist revolution that his late mentor and predecessor, Hugo Chávez, ushered in 1999. Maduro, like Chávez, cast the United States as Venezuela’s biggest threat, railing against Democratic and Republic administrations for any efforts to restore democratic norms.

Maduro’s political career began 40 years ago. In 1986, he traveled to Cuba to receive a year of ideological instruction, his only formal education after high school. Upon his return, he worked as a bus driver for the Caracas subway system, where he quickly became a union leader. Venezuela’s intelligence agencies in the 1990s identified him as a leftist radical with close ties to the Cuban government.

Maduro eventually left his driver job and joined the political movement that Chávez organized after receiving a presidential pardon in 1994 for leading a failed and bloody military coup years earlier. After Chávez took office, the former youth baseball player rose through the ranks of the ruling party, spending his first six years as a lawmaker before becoming president of the National Assembly. He then served six years as foreign minister and a couple months as vice president.

Appointed the political heir to Chávez

Chávez used his last address to the nation before his death in 2013 to anoint Maduro as his successor, asking his supporters to vote for the then-foreign affairs minister should he die. The choice stunned supporters and detractors alike. But Chávez’s enormous electoral capital delivered Maduro a razor-thin victory that year, giving him his first six-year term, though he would never enjoy the devotion that voters professed for Chávez.

Maduro married Flores, his partner of nearly two decades, in July 2013, shortly after he became president. He called her the “first combatant,” instead of first lady, and considered her a crucial adviser.

Maduro’s entire presidency was marked by a complex social, political and economic crisis that pushed millions into poverty, drove more than 7.7 million Venezuelans to migrate and put thousands of real or perceived government opponents in prison, where many were tortured, some at his direction. Maduro complemented the repressive apparatus by purging institutions of anyone who dared dissent.

Venezuela’s crisis took hold during Maduro’s first year in office. The political opposition, including the now-Nobel Peace Prize winner María Corina Machado, called for street protests in Caracas and other cities. The demonstrations evidenced Maduro’s iron fist as security forces pushed back protests, which ended with 43 deaths and dozens of arrests.

Maduro’s United Socialist Party of Venezuela would go on to lose control of the National Assembly for the first time in 16 years in the 2015 election. Maduro moved to neutralize the opposition-controlled legislature by establishing a pro-government Constituent Assembly in 2017, leading to months of protests violently suppressed by security forces and the military.

More than 100 people were killed and thousands were injured in the demonstrations. Hundreds were arrested, causing the International Criminal Court to open an investigation against Maduro and members of his government for crimes against humanity. The investigation was still ongoing in 2025.

In 2018, Maduro survived an assassination attempt when drones rigged with explosives detonated near him as he delivered a speech during a nationally televised military parade.

Bedeviled by economic problems

Maduro was unable to stop the economic free fall. Inflation and severe shortages of food and medicines affected Venezuelans nationwide. Entire families starved and began migrating on foot to neighboring countries. Those who remained lined up for hours to buy rice, beans and other basics. Some fought on the streets over flour.

Ruling party loyalists moved the December 2018 presidential election to May and blocked opposition parties from the ballot. Some opposition politicians were imprisoned; others fled into exile. Maduro ran virtually unopposed and was declared winner, but dozens of countries did not recognize him.

Months after the election, he drew the fury after social media videos showed him feasting on a steak prepared by a celebrity chef at a restaurant in Turkey while millions in his country were going hungry.

Under Maduro’s watch, Venezuela’s economy shrank 71% between 2012 and 2020, while inflation topped 130,000%. Its oil production, the beating heart of the country, dropped to less than 400,000 barrels a day, a figure once unthinkable.

The first Trump administration imposed economic sanctions against Maduro, his allies and state-owned companies to try to force a government change. The measures included freezing all Venezuelan government assets in the U.S. and prohibiting American citizens and international partners from doing business with Venezuelan government entities, including the state-owned oil company.

Out of options, Maduro began implementing a series of economic measures in 2021 that eventually ended Venezuela’s hyperinflation cycle. He paired the economic changes with concessions to the U.S.-backed political opposition with which it restarted negotiations for what many had hoped would be a free and democratic presidential election in 2024.

Maduro used the negotiations to gain concessions from the U.S. government, including the pardon and prison release of one of his closest allies and the sanctions license that allowed oil giant Chevron to restart pumping and exporting Venezuelan oil. The license became his government’s financial lifeline.

Losing support in many places

Negotiations led by Norwegian diplomats did not solve key political differences between the ruling party and the opposition.

In 2023, the government banned Machado, Maduro’s strongest opponent, from running for office. In early 2024, it intensified its repressive efforts, detaining opposition leaders and human rights defenders. The government also forced key members of Machado’s campaign to seek asylum at a diplomatic compound in Caracas, where they remained for more than a year to avoid arrest.

Hours after polls closed in the 2024 election, the National Electoral Council declared Maduro the winner. But unlike previous elections, it did not provide detailed vote counts. The opposition, however, collected and published tally sheets from more than 80% of electronic voting machines used in the election. The records showed Edmundo González defeated Maduro by a more than 2-to-1 margin.

Protests erupted. Some demonstrators toppled statues of Chávez. The government again responded with full force and detained more than 2,000 people World leaders rejected the official results, but the National Assembly sworn in Maduro for a third term in January 2025.

Trump’s return to the White House that same month proved to be a sobering moment for Maduro. Trump quickly pushed Maduro to accept regular deportation flights for the first time in years. By the summer, Trump had built up a military force in the Caribbean that put Venezuela’s government on high alert and started taking steps to address what it called narco-terrorism.

For Maduro, that was the beginning of the end.

By AAMER MADHANI, Associated Press

WASHINGTON (AP) — President Donald Trump declared Saturday’s military operation that led to the ouster of Nicolás Maduro a major success as he offered a vague plan for his administration “to run” Venezuela until a transition of power can take place.

While there are no visible signs of a U.S. presence on the ground in Caracas, Trump was demonstrating chutzpah that’s become the trademark of his foreign policy approach. It’s one marked by a grand confidence that his will on the international stage is an immovable force.

“This was one of the most stunning, effective and powerful displays of American military might and competence in American history,” Trump declared at a news conference at his Mar-a-Lago resort in Florida.

The president strode into office with a promise to turn the page on America’s decades of foreign entanglements. But on Saturday, he committed the U.S. to help Venezuela usher in a period of “peace” and “justice” after decades of rule by strongmen.

The president’s pledge to a Venezuela project comes as he finds himself struggling to bring about a permanent peace between Israel and Hamas in Gaza and find an endgame to Russia’s nearly four-year war in Ukraine.

But the path ahead is treacherous. The White House will need to grapple with any power vacuum caused by Maduro’s ouster and inevitable complications of trying to maintain stability in a country that’s already endured years of hyperinflation, food and medicine shortages and brain drain despite its vast oil wealth.

It also remains to be seen what lessons U.S. adversaries may take from Trump’s decision to demonstrate American might in its sphere of influence in the aftermath of Trump’s play in Caracas. China’s Xi Jinping has vowed to annex the self-ruled island of Taiwan and Russia’s Vladimir Putin has designs on neighbor Ukraine and diminishing NATO’s eastern flank.

Yet Trump was unflinching in his confidence that the bad actors of the old government will be pushed aside as he helps make Venezuela “great again.” He also sought to reassure American taxpayers that they won’t be on the hook for his plan to help out Caracas.

“The money coming out of the ground is very substantial,” Trump said. “We’re going to get reimbursed for everything that we spend.”

Trump hasn’t shied away from flexing U.S. military might even as he has vowed to keep America out of war. He’s now twice used U.S. forces to carry out risky operations against American adversaries. In June, he directed U.S. strikes on key Iranian nuclear sites.

Saturday’s action stirred fresh anxiety in capitals around the world that have sought to adjust to a new normal in Trump 2.0, where the idea of the U.S. trying to find global consensus on issues of war and peace is now passe.

What’s next for Venezuela?

European allies had expressed concern as Trump built up a massive presence of troops in the Caribbean in recent months and carried out dozens of lethal strikes on suspected drug smugglers — many that the administration claimed were effectively an arm of the Maduro government.

Maduro was hardly viewed as a choir boy by the international community. His 2018 and 2024 elections were seen as riddled with irregularities and viewed as illegitimate.

But many U.S. allies greeted news of Maduro’s capture with a measure of trepidation.

European Commission President António Costa said he had “great concern” about the situation in Venezuela following the U.S. operation.

France’s Foreign Minister Jean-Noël Barrot said “the military operation that led to the capture of Maduro infringes the principle of the non-use of force that underpins international law.”

The criticism from some Democrats over Trump’s military action to oust Maduro was immediate.

“This war is illegal, it’s embarrassing that we went from the world cop to the world bully in less than one year.” Sen. Ruben Gallego of Arizona wrote on X. “There is no reason for us to be at war with Venezuela.”

Russia’s foreign ministry condemned what it called a U.S. “act of armed aggression” against Venezuela in a statement posted on its Telegram channel Saturday. The ouster of Maduro, who was backed by the Russians, comes as Trump is urging Putin to end his war on Ukraine.

“Venezuela must be guaranteed the right to determine its own destiny without any destructive, let alone military, outside intervention,” the statement said.

Similarly, China’s foreign ministry in a statement condemned the U.S. operation, saying it violates international law and Venezuela’s sovereignty.

Capture follows months of pressure

The operation was the culmination of a push inside the administration led by Secretary of State Marco Rubio and other like-minded foes of Maduro who have been urging Trump to take action against the Venezuelan leader for years.

In south Florida — the epicenter of the Venezuelan diaspora opposition to Maduro that has influenced Rubio’s thinking — Saturday’s operation was cheered as an era-changing moment for democracy.

Rep. Carlos Gimenez, a Florida Republican, said he had spoken to Rubio and thanked Trump for having “changed the course of history in our hemisphere. Our country & the world are safer for it,” he wrote on X, comparing Maduro’s ouster to the fall of the Berlin Wall.

Trump: Venezuela has no chance without his intervention

Maduro had sought a pathway to exit from power while saving face.

Venezuelan government officials had floated a plan in which Maduro would eventually leave office, The Associated Press reported in October.

The proposal called for Maduro to step down in three years and hand over to his vice president, Delcy Rodriguez, who would complete Maduro’s six-year term that ends in January 2031. Rodriguez would not run for reelection under the plan.

But the White House had rejected the proposal because the administration questioned the legitimacy of Maduro’s rule and accused him of overseeing a narco-terrorist state.

Maduro earlier this week said Venezuela was open to negotiating an agreement with the United States to combat drug trafficking and work with Washington on promoting U.S. further investment in the Venezuelan oil industry. Trump said Maduro was recently offered chances to surrender but declined.

Rubio held a long phone conversation on Saturday with Rodriguez, who was sworn into office following Maduro’s capture, Trump said.

“If we just left, it has zero chance of ever coming back. We’ll run it properly. We’ll run it professionally,” Trump said. “We’ll have the greatest oil companies in the world going in, invest billions and billions of dollars. … And the biggest beneficiary are going to be the people of Venezuela.”

Pentagon chief Pete Hegseth said Maduro “F’d around and found out.” He added adversaries of the U.S. should “remain on notice” that “America can project our will anywhere, anytime.”

“Welcome to 2026,” Hegseth said. “Under President Trump, America is back.”

Venezuela’s opposition says the rightful president is the exiled politician Edmundo González, an ally of opposition leader Maria Corina Machado.

Trump said he wasn’t ready to commit to a certain leader but pledged his administration has to remain “very involved” in Venezuela.

“We can’t take a chance of letting somebody else run it — just take over where (Maduro) left,” Trump said.

AP writers Darlene Superville in Palm Springs, Fla., Matthew Lee in Washington, Kanis Leung in Hong Kong, Sylvie Corbet in Paris, and Elise Morton in London contributed reporting.

For decades, Avenida Revolución in Tijuana was a bustling tourist zone, attracting U.S. visitors with its colorful souvenir shops, restaurants and nightlife.

But at some point, popular interest in the historic district faded.

State and city officials have been trying to revitalize the area for some time to attract more tourists, with hopes of making it a place locals want to hang out, too.

The latest move involves closing off a few blocks to vehicles to make way for a pedestrian promenade. Visitors can now wander from Fourth to Seventh streets along the 136-year-old avenue.

When unveiling the $1.3 million project in October, Baja California Gov. Marina del Pilar Ávila pledged to restore more public spaces to promote cultural, musical and recreational activities.

“This is what Tijuana deserves,” she said in a video posted on social media. “These spaces represent Tijuana.”

So far, it seems to be working.

Isabel Hernández and her fiancé, Ramón Félix, are street vendors who craft bracelets and necklaces on a bench in the area to sell later in the day. One recent Saturday morning, the couple was particularly busy, preparing for two events taking place on different blocks of the same stretch of the avenue within a few hours — a food festival followed by a Christmas tree lighting ceremony.

The couple said many visitors have come to check out the revamped spot, surrounded by hotels, coffee shops, pharmacies and restaurants.

Officials said people can expect more artistic activities in the plaza, such as music and theatrical performances.

“They come with their children, play with them for a while, have some ice cream, and stay for a bit,” Félix noted.

Tijuana’s landmark 

Avenida Revolución is at the center of much of the city’s history. In 1889, it became the first street in the city to be paved and provided with utilities, boosting its draw as a commercial and tourist hub. Throughout its history, the avenue has had five names, adopting its current one in 1932.

The concept of creating a pedestrian square was inspired by other cities, said José Carlos Robles, president of the Association of Merchants and Tourism Entrepreneurs of Avenida Revolución. He cited several examples, including the Gaslamp Quarter in downtown San Diego, which has experimented with a pedestrian promenade.

Robles said that Tijuana was missing that experience in its downtown area. “When you visit any city, you always want to go downtown and see the historic sites,” he said.

Robles said that some businesses reported increased sales after the opening of the pedestrian plaza and that the project has attracted others to open their businesses on the popular avenue, which is better known by locals as “La Revu.”

The project has faced some opposition, as some businesses were not on board with the idea. A vendor from a souvenir shop within the pedestrian plaza said the change didn’t help the business because it relies more on international tourists who come by bus or car than on locals who walk through the area.

U.S. tourists, including those traveling for medical reasons, still frequently visit Avenida Revolución. But there was a time when it was far more popular, recalled José Gabriel Rivera, head of the Baja California Historical Archive.

In the Prohibition era, when alcohol was banned in the U.S., people flocked to Tijuana to drink and gamble. It was around this time that the world-famous Caesar salad was created in the area.

In the 1980s and ’90s, Avenida Revolución was a mecca for San Diegans looking to party. Some took advantage of the fact that the legal drinking age in Mexico is 18 instead of 21.

However, that all changed after the terrorist attacks of Sept. 11, 2001, when crossing the U.S.-Mexico border became a more rigorous endeavor. Reports of cartel-related violence in the city around that time also discouraged many visitors.

This led to a binational tourism crisis, Rivera said, prompting a shift in focus to attract local tourism.

Rivera welcomed the ongoing efforts to improve the ever-changing avenue and its surroundings, but noted that it could be more attractive to locals.

“The Avenida Revolución is a landmark and icon in Tijuana’s history,” he said. “It’s important to develop different types of policies to revitalize it.”

On a recent Saturday, locals Óscar Díaz and his mother, Sanjuana Nachez, ran an errand a few blocks away and took the opportunity to visit the food festival and explore the new pedestrian plaza.

Díaz reminisced about the late ’80s, when he used to party in the area. He said that back then, it was common to see many visitors from the United States. “Many people from San Diego came,” his mother echoed. But nowadays, not as many, they said.

“It was about time they renovated the Revolución,” he said. “Hopefully, it will attract tourism.”

Local life

For the past three years, Mariana Sánchez — known on social media as Nana en Tijuana — has been giving walking tours of her hometown. Her bilingual tours begin on Avenida Revolución. As she points out, to understand the city, you have to go back to where it all began.

Throughout her time working in the industry, she has noticed the interests of tourists changing. She said that many want to “experience life as we live it.”

“They want to know where we go, what we eat and how we get around,” she said. “Many people are searching for that feeling of local life.”

That still often includes the souvenir shops and famous salad at Caesar’s Restaurant, which long ago relocated onto Avenida Revolución. But tourists are also venturing farther from downtown, trying the numerous taquerías scattered throughout the city or attending a Tijuana Xoloitzcuintles soccer game or a Toros baseball game, Sánchez said.

Caesar’s, which many agree is one of the most touristy places on the avenue, is situated within the new pedestrian plaza. Visitors can no longer valet park in front of the restaurant. Instead, they must look for public parking nearby.

While Sánchez welcomes the idea, she said there is still work to be done. For instance, although the avenue is closed to vehicles, the side streets are not, which may confuse pedestrians and drivers.

“It’s an interesting time to analyze and rethink tourism strategies,” she said. “The pedestrian plaza has presented new opportunities for some vendors, as well as some challenges that need to be considered.”

By JILL LAWLESS and REBECCA SANTANA, Associated Press

WASHINGTON (AP) — In a lightning military strike, the U.S. captured Venezuelan President Nicolás Maduro and his wife, Cilia Flores, and spirited them out of the country to face justice in the United States.

Now President Donald Trump says the U.S. is “going to run” Venezuela until a transition of power can take place, but it’s not clear what that will mean on the ground in the South American country.

The overnight operation left Venezuela reeling, with its leadership uncertain and details of casualties and the impact on its military still to emerge. Much is still unknown about how the U.S. ouster of Maduro will ricochet across the country and the region.

Here’s what we know — and what we don’t.

Rising US pressure, then an overnight attack

Explosions rang out and low-flying aircraft swept through Venezuela’s capital, Caracas, early Saturday. At least seven blasts were heard in an attack that lasted less than 30 minutes. The targets appeared to include military infrastructure.

Venezuelan ruling party leader Nahum Fernández said Maduro and Flores were captured at their home within the Ft. Tiuna military installation outside Caracas.

Venezuelan officials said people had been killed, but the scale of casualties was unclear.

The attack followed months of escalating pressure by the Trump administration, which has built up naval forces in the waters off South America and since early September has carried out deadly strikes on alleged drug-smuggling boats in the eastern Pacific and Caribbean. Late last month, the CIA carried out a drone strike at a docking area alleged to have been used by drug cartels.

Trump says the US will run Venezuela, but how is unclear

Trump said during a news conference Saturday the U.S. would run the country and gestured to officials arrayed behind him, including Secretary of State Marco Rubio, Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth and Dan Caine, chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, and said they’d be the ones doing it “for a period of time.”

Trump claimed the American presence was already in place, although across Venezuela’s capital there were no signs that the U.S. had taken control of the government or military forces.

Trump claimed that Venezuelan Vice President Delcy Rodríguez had been sworn in as president shortly before he spoke to reporters and added she had spoken with Rubio.

“She is essentially willing to do what we think is necessary to make Venezuela great again. Very simple,” Trump said.

But during a televised address after Trump’s news conference, Rodriquez made no mention of talking to Rubio, of taking over the presidency or of cooperating with the U.S. State television has not shown a swearing-in ceremony and during her address, a ticker at the bottom of the screen identified her as the vice president.

Instead, she demanded the U.S. free Maduro, called him the country’s rightful leader and said what was happening to Venezuela “is an atrocity that violates international law.”

Rodriquez left open the door for dialogue with the U.S., while seeking to calm ruling party supporters.

“Here, we have a government with clarity, and I repeat and repeat again … we are willing to have respectful relations,” she said, referring to the Trump administration. “It is the only thing we will accept for a type of relationship after having attacked (Venezuela).”

Armed individuals and uniformed members of a civilian militia took to the streets of a Caracas neighborhood long considered a stronghold of the ruling party. But in other areas of the city, the streets remained empty hours after the attack. Parts of the city remained without power, but vehicles moved freely.

Trump offered no details on what U.S. leadership in Venezuela would mean or specify whether it would involve more military involvement.

The State Department did not immediately respond to questions about how the U.S. would run Venezuela, what authority it would use to administer it or whether it would involve any American personnel — either civilian or military — on the ground in Caracas or other areas of Venezuela.

The future of Venezuela’s oil infrastructure

Trump mentioned the country’s oil infrastructure repeatedly during the news conference. He suggested there would be a substantial U.S. role in Venezuela’s oil industry, saying that U.S. oil companies would go in and fix the broken infrastructure.

And Trump said the U.S. would use revenues from oil sales to pay for running the country.

“We’re going to get reimbursed for everything that we spend,” he said.

The US charges against Maduro

According to an indictment made public Saturday, Maduro is charged alongside his wife, his son and three others. Maduro is indicted on four counts: narco-terrorism conspiracy, cocaine importation conspiracy, possession of machine guns and destructive devices and conspiracy to possess machine guns and destructive devices.

Authorities allege powerful and violent drug trafficking organizations, such as the Sinaloa Cartel and Tren de Aragua gang, worked directly with the Venezuelan government and then sent profits to high-ranking officials who helped and protected them in exchange.

It was not immediately clear when Maduro and his wife would make their first court appearance in New York or where they would be detained once in the U.S.

How the US operation played out

Trump gave some details of the operation during a Saturday morning interview on “Fox and Friends,” and he and Caine went into more depth during the news conference.

Trump said a few U.S. members of the operation were injured but he believed no one was killed.

He said Maduro was “highly guarded” in a presidential palace akin to a “fortress” and he tried to get to a safe room but wasn’t able to get there in time.

Trump said U.S. forces practiced the operation ahead of time on a replica building, and the U.S. turned off “almost all of the lights in Caracas,” although he didn’t detail how they accomplished that.

Caine said the mission had been “meticulously planned” for months, relying on work by the U.S. intelligence community to find Maduro and detail how he moved, lived, ate and what he wore.

The mission involved more than 150 aircraft launched across the Western Hemisphere, Caine said. Helicopters came under fire as they approached “the target area,” he said, and responded with “overwhelming force.”

Questions over legality

The U.S. does not recognize the jurisdiction of the International Criminal Court, and the legal implications of the strike under U.S. law were not immediately clear.

The Trump administration maintains that Maduro is not the legitimate leader of Venezuela and claims he has effectively turned Venezuela into a criminal enterprise at the service of drug traffickers and terrorist groups.

Mike Lee, a U.S. senator from Utah, said on X that the action “likely falls within the president’s inherent authority under Article II of the Constitution to protect U.S. personnel from an actual or imminent attack.”

But some Democrats were more critical.

Sen. Tim Kaine, a Virginia Democrat, said in a statement, “President Trump’s unauthorized military attack on Venezuela to arrest Maduro — however terrible he is — is a sickening return to a day when the United States asserted the right to dominate the internal political affairs of all nations in the Western Hemisphere.”

How opposition leader Machado figures in Trump’s plans

Venezuelan opposition leader and Nobel Peace Prize winner María Corina Machado had intended to run against Maduro in the 2024 presidential election, but the government barred her from running for office. She went into hiding and wasn’t seen for nearly a year.

Trump said Saturday that he hadn’t been in touch with Machado and said it would be “very tough” for her to lead Venezuela.

“She doesn’t have the support within or the respect within the country. She’s a very nice woman, but she doesn’t have the respect,” Trump said.

Lawless reported from London. Associated Press Writer Danica Kirka in London contributed to this story.