The democratic primary in the race for Michigan’s open U.S. Senate seat is one of the most-watched – and most-expensive – in the country. If Democrats want to retake control of the Senate, they must win Michigan.

At various points Mallory McMorrow, Haley Stevens, and Abdul El-Sayed have led in the primary polls.

A recent Zenith Research poll looked at each candidate’s viability in the general election.

Pollster Adam Carlson says his survey, which was commissioned by the pro-El-Sayed veterans group Common Defense, found that all democrats led GOP candidate Mike Rogers.

However, Carlson said he was surprised that El-Sayed – the most progressive of the trio –  was able to buck conventional wisdom and have the largest lead over the republican.

Carlson tells WDET’s Russ McNamara that there were other surprises in his poll

The following interview has been edited for clarity and length.

Carlson: A lot of the polling and the conventional wisdom that we’ve seen so far has shown that Abdul El-Sayed faces a penalty in the general election, that he does worse than Haley Stevens and or Mallory McMorrow, and I wanted to get in there myself.

I was approached by a client, to see what was happening under the hood, because I know AIPAC had gotten more involved directly in this race, and in a way that was much more open than a lot of other races around the country. When they were going through shell PACs, they’re much more open about their support for Haley Stevens through their primary super PAC United Democracy Project, and that had been covered extensively by state and local media, as well as some national media, so the timing of it was auspicious. There’s this theory of the case, from progressives and the left, and people backing candidates like Abdul around the country, the traditional definition of electability is more moderate candidates do better in an environment like this. I’ve never seen in my 13 years doing this voters so angry, frustrated with conventional wisdom, and being told who is electable, and inflation, cost of living and all that. Just much more responsive to populism, more than a left-right kind of divide, so I wanted to get in there myself and see what was happening.

And what I found was, if you’re taking a more statistical view of things, Abdul El-Sayed definitely does not face an electoral penalty for being the most progressive candidate in the race. He leads Mike Rogers 45% to 42% with 13% undecided. McMorrow leads Rogers 44% to 42% and Stevens leads him 43% to 42%. So not a huge difference among the three, and certainly not a comfortable lead for any of them.

I think it does dispel some conventional wisdom that Haley Stevens is the most electable candidate, or that Abdul is uniquely unelectable. You just have to look under the hood a little bit to see why, and the thing that struck me the most—and I love when my polls surprise me, means I’m doing something right, they’re kind of dispelling some of my own assumptions—31% of very progressive and liberal voters hold a strongly unfavorable view of Haley Stevens. 26% of very progressive liberal voters say they’re undecided if Stevens is the nominee against Mike Rogers, which is a shockingly large number. And again, this is not a huge portion of the electorate, but it’s enough that El-Sayed does two points better than her in the head to head ballots, so that is the main story here. In open ended responses in the survey, people cited ties to AIPAC, just the general Zionist Israel movement that were causing them either just want to stay home or vote third party, and it makes sense in Michigan, which is kind of the birthplace or the home base of the Uncommitted movement in 2024. 

McNamara: That matches up what I’ve been seeing in the voters that I’ve talked to, because there’s still quite a hangover from 2024 and what they saw as general disrespect from the Harris-Walz campaign. Do you get the sense that Michigan is a lone case in this regard, or is this popping up in other areas?

Carlson: I’m doing a lot of polling in deep blue Democratic primary areas, which obviously—this is Michigan. This is the opposite of that. It is the swingiest of swing states, but also in some competitive swing states, like Georgia, what I see is, in Democratic primary electorates, Israel-Gaza is not the number one issue, or even the number two issue. It’s inflation, it’s cost of living.

I’ve never really seen in my career, and even before I started doing this professionally, public opinion shift this quickly among Democrats, at the very least, on Israel and Gaza. It is stark, and I’m not even sure that we’re done yet, to be honest with you. I think there’s more room to move, where you have kind of these more people that were probably right after October 7 tweeting out or posting on Facebook, saying I stand with Israel, who are now just kind of so disgusted with what the Netanyahu government is doing in Israel, and maybe, they’re not quite at Abdul’s position on like a full on arms embargo, pending Israel following international law, but it’s almost becoming a moral barrier to entry, basically being like almost a gut check, are your morals in the right place on this issue, and then if you pass that test, then I’ll look at your other stuff.

Again, this is a general election poll, but in a sense, we’re talking about the primary at the same time, based off of very progressive voters’ views of these candidates, and what we’re seeing, at least in this poll, and I welcome other data points here.

I always caution one poll is one poll, but it’s pretty compelling evidence here, particularly when you dig into the open-ended responses that people are very emotional about this, especially people from Dearborn and Dearborn Heights and Arab and Muslim voters doing this. This is progressive white voters all across the state, too. ‘I’m just going to stay home, or I am undecided,’ and whether they come home to Stevens in the general election is an open question, but I think it presents the conventional wisdom is that Abdul is the risky choice in the general election because he’s more progressive and could turn off kind of swing voters and moderates. That’s not what we found.

We found that, if anything, independents are slightly more negative on Stevens than they are on McMorrow and El-Sayed, and independents aren’t this group that are all super moderate on every single issue. I think that sometimes it’s how they’re framed. They’re pretty ideologically heterodox. ‘Maybe I’m very pro closed borders, but I’m very pro Medicare for all,’ and they don’t necessarily follow a traditional ideological map of like hard partisans, and I think that we’re seeing this response to not just this issue where El-Sayed is very clearly much more pro-Palestinian and critical of aid to Israel than the other two candidates in the race, but kind of a more economic populist message.

What we’re finding is that Haley Stevens might be the more risky general election choice, because people might say, ‘I stay home,’ because this is such a red line for people in Israel and Palestine that people don’t even necessarily want to hear what else she has to say if she can’t get there on this or soften a little bit on this. Stevens is very clearly backed by Schumer and the establishment, and we’re seeing some backlash to that. Chuck Schumer’s favorability overall in the state is -36 and even among private progressive voters it’s -20% 32%-52%. So he is toxic among all Democrats – only 47% of Democrats have a favorable view of Chuck Schumer. I haven’t really seen that been litigated a ton yet in this primary, that Stevens is kind of the default choice of the establishment, but all across the country we are seeing a backlash, DCCC candidates started losing. One just lost in Maine yesterday in ranked choice voting, another one in California a few weeks ago. It, with a few exceptions, can be a net negative, whereas in other cycles, like in 2018 where the electorate is very anti-Trump, but a little less angry as you’re combining like the cost of living crisis with anger towards Trump, whereas in 2018, the economy was much better, people were more satisfied with it, it’s creating this perfect storm where you could turn this idea of a traditional electability advantage or disadvantage on its head, and we won’t know until November, a poll is a poll, but I think that needs to be a bigger part of the conversation. 

McNamara: And I feel like the last time we really had that feeling was Republicans in the Tea Party. 

Carlson: 2010, that’s right, and the economy was bad then too, and that’s kind of the best-case scenario for Democrats this cycle, a Dem version of 2010. 

We’re a massive wave. I think people are a little skeptical of that. Polarization has increased and redistricting and all that for the House, but when states like Alaska and Ohio and Texas and Iowa are in place in the Senate, if that comes to fruition, that’s pretty much the equivalent of a Democratic 2010, at least the Senate level.

The reason the Michigan Senate race is so interesting is Democrats can’t win the Senate if they don’t hold the seat, and there’s a lot of trauma around 2024 and they want to win. There’s a lot of nervousness around that, and a lot of confusion around who is the most electable kind of Democrat these days, and a lot of questioning and litigation of what that is. So, a lot of voters are almost acting like pundits and gravitating a little bit more towards the center versus voting with their heart. I think you’re starting to see more people do the latter, not just here, but in other parts of the country as well, and we’ll see how it all shakes out in August, but I don’t think we’re done with the twists and turns of this race yet. 

McNamara: Did you get into the wedge issues at all?  

Carlson: We also tested in the poll a few unnamed issue positions head to head. And then we also tested stuff on policy towards Israel.

Polling all across the country, I’m seeing Medicare for all is very popular. Would you be more likely to vote for a candidate that supports Medicare for all, which is what El-Sayed supports versus a private health insurance system, which is more in line with what Mike Rogers supports. 

Some people were talking about how abolishing ICE and replacing it with a new immigration enforcement agency, like an INS or something like that, that we used to have. People were trying to equate that with defund the police, how it’s extreme position, it was an overly emotional reaction to what was happening in the moment that would hurt Democrats. But when I put abolishing ICE and replacing with a new immigration enforcement agency up against expanding ICE and increasing its funding, abolishing and replacing ICE actually narrowly won, almost exactly mapping onto Abdul El-Sayed’s overall lead over Rogers. But it’s certainly not this poison pill that a lot of more mainstream Democrats would have you believe in a state like Michigan.

The race for the Democratic nomination in Michigan’s U.S. Senate race has been one of the most fascinating in the country. It drew national attention when controversial political commentator Hasan Piker rallied with Abdul El-Sayed on college campuses.

Piker has millions of followers on social media, largely made up of people under the age of 30.

The move was immediately met with condemnation from El-Sayed’s opponents – Congresswoman Haley Stevens, and State Senator Mallory McMorrow.

Since then, El-Sayed has steadily risen in the polls.

In a conversation this week, WDET’s Russ McNamara asked Piker what he seeks in an ideal candidate.

The following interview has been edited for length and clarity.

Hasan Piker: A candidate self-identifying as a socialist would be great, but in the absence of that, I care about where their primary focus is. Are they going to center the needs of the working class in their agenda, or are they malleable to corporate interests? And those are the things that I pay attention to.

I think some of the telltale markers of a candidate’s responsiveness to the masses is oftentimes their attitude on the issue of Israel, which is a 90-10 issue on the side of the voters within the Democratic Party, but a 10-90 issue seemingly when it comes to Congress.

Another one is Medicare for all. The private healthcare provider industry is a multi-billion-dollar industry, and they spend a great deal of money to ensure that Medicare for all is not implemented, and I think that’s another great litmus test to see if a candidate will actually put the needs and the interests of the working class first over their interest in farming campaign contributions from these moneyed interests.

Ed. Note – Piker recorded this interview while in New York City to support the Democratic Socialist candidates in their primary election. All won.

Russ McNamara, WDET: Then it sounds like Abdul El-Sayed checks a lot of those boxes.

Piker: Yes, absolutely.

McNamara: Was it all part of that that got you to come out onto the campaign trail for him earlier this year?

Piker: Yeah, Abdul El-Sayed doesn’t call himself a socialist, but I still like him quite a bit because I think he’s a fighter, and that’s what Americans need right now. Americans need fighters in the Senate, they need fighters in the House of Representatives, fighters that will put their interests first, fighters that won’t even shy away from sometimes telling the rest of the Democratic Party—not just the Republicans—that the path that they’re heading down is wrong.

Abdul obviously demonstrated that interest, and he has been a fighter for Medicare for all for a very long time, I mean, he wrote a book about it. His gubernatorial run was around the implementation of Medicare for all, so he has established a lot of trust in these communities, and I trust them as well.

McNamara: Kind of along those lines, when you came to Michigan in the spring, there was tremendous outcry in some circles. Congresswoman Haley Stevens said you were ‘divisive.’ Mallory McMorrow compared you to the white supremacist Nick Fuentes. What is your response to things like that? Because you seem to hear it a lot.

Piker: Unfortunately, this is the way that politics is conducted in this country. In most circumstances, people rely on the rest of the electorate not really knowing anything about me, and in the past this might have actually worked, because mainstream media and local institutions were capable of successfully gatekeeping outsider candidates and also outsider media figures.

Nowadays it’s a little bit different, especially because there’s so much diversity of choice in where people can get their news from, so people can come to me directly and figure out what I’m actually about, so that was one of the reasons why that smear campaign failed spectacularly, because people could just tune into my broadcast, or people were maybe somewhat familiar with what I represented, and they understood that these smears were simply being thrown in my direction, not because of any serious anti-Semitism that I’ve ever displayed.

I have not; I’ve actually combated anti-Semitism my entire professional media career and will continue to do so. I find it repugnant. It’s an odious form of bigotry, just like every other form of bigotry, including Islamophobia.

But the other reason why this smear campaign did not work is because a lot of people intrinsically now understand in the aftermath of three years of genocide, and a lot of establishment Democrats, and certainly the entirety of the Republicans, criticizing those who speak out against this genocide with these heinous accusations, a lot of people understand that this is not a person that is actually bigoted in any way, shape or form. As a matter of fact, it’s quite the opposite. This is an anti-genocide advocate, and that’s part of the reason why he’s being called an anti-Semite.

Now, that dangerous conflation actually foments more anti-Semitism, which is, ironically, something that I’ve discussed quite a bit as well, for many, many years prior to October 7, and continue to do so now. But that’s why it didn’t work. It demonstrably failed, right? It fell flat on its face.

People started looking at Abdul’s campaign, people started hearing what he was saying, and they liked it… He was in third place before this smear campaign started, and now he’s comfortably in first place.

Abdul El-Sayed is a wonderful candidate. He has solid fundamentals. He’s probably one of the best candidates in the Democratic primary cycle this midterm season. Rhodes scholar, doctor, worked for Detroit Public Health, spent his entire professional life trying to heal people, and on top of that, he is against the genocide that Israel has committed, and that’s consistent with his values, consistent with my values as well, and yet he was not receiving a lot of media attention, that race in and of itself was not receiving a lot of media attention… and I guess Haley Stevens and Mallory McMorrow stepped on a landmine there and accidentally nationalized and publicized this (Michigan Senate) primary, and people actually started tuning in.

People started looking at Abdul’s campaign, people started hearing what he was saying, and they liked it. And lo and behold, he was in third place before this smear campaign started, and now he’s comfortably in first place.

McNamara: It seems like many within the Democratic Party still haven’t fully accepted the role Israel’s genocide in Gaza played in the 2024 election. I recently talked with pollster Adam Carlson about a recent Zenith research survey he did, and it had showed that Haley Stevens would lose a significant portion of people who identify as progressives in the general election, should she make it through the primary, less so for El-Sayed and McMorrow. Do you think this country’s views have shifted enough, and now unconditional support for Israel is seen as a political liability?

Piker: Absolutely, and that’s precisely the reason why AIPAC and AIPAC subsidiaries never actually reveal that the candidates that they’re fundraising for are pro-Israel. None of those ads, whether they be attack ads against their opponents or the ads in favor of their hand-selected candidates, ever mention this candidate’s point of view on Israel. If Israel was such a popular position, then they would proudly declare it. AIPAC wouldn’t need to use this opaque funding structure and find shell corporations to funnel money into by way of their donor network under the guise of United Democracy Fund, or Elect Women Fund, that was the one they used in Illinois in the Chicago primaries.

They do that because I think everyone understands that pro-Israel politics is demonstrably unpopular, and it’s only going to get less popular from this point on. I often throughout the genocide would say: going forward, today is the most popular Israel will be. Tomorrow, Israel will be less popular than it was today, and yesterday Israel was more popular than it is today. And that has been resilient.

There are constant demands for censorship against prominent critics of Israel.

That (pro Israel) attitude has shifted, and it will continue to shift as more and more people not only come to terms with Israel playing a destabilizing role in the region, but also the unbelievable amount of arrogance in display by those who are defenders of Israel and defenders of Israeli foreign policy.

I think that is oftentimes a less discussed aspect of the reason as to why Americans are frustrated with Israel, and it’s because there are constant demands for censorship against prominent critics of Israel. Some of those censorship attempts are actually successful, de-platforming initiatives that take place. I myself was banned from traveling to the United Kingdom only last month, and it was directly a consequence of my criticisms of Israel.

This kind of censorious attitude, especially when it’s the overwhelming majority’s position, is going to be unbelievably frustrating, and it’s only going to breed more enmity and hostility against the State of Israel. And outside of that there is this level of entitlement to unlimited funds coming from the United States of America, funds and weapons that Israel deploys on Palestinian civilians, on Lebanese civilians, as they’re doing currently, as they’re in the process of trying to disrupt the memorandum of understanding in a longstanding ceasefire negotiation that we might actually finally implement with Iran.

These kinds of destabilizing initiatives paired up with hubris, unbelievable entitlement and arrogance come across as very frustrating to the average American who is maybe uninitiated with the actions of Israel.

McNamara: Influencers are often brought up as a way for people to connect with younger voters. As you know, Democrats tried to do this to very mixed success at the DNC two years ago, but to you, what is the best way to gain the attention and the vote of the mythical younger voter?

Piker: I think it’s policies, ironically enough. In the post 2024 autopsy that was being conducted in public, a lot of Democrats went to mainstream media and decided the reason why Donald Trump won was because of Joe Rogan—and Joe Rogan was obviously the catch-all term for the podcast circuit, the manosphere.

Now, is the podcast circuit of the manosphere influential, especially in terms of converting young men to voters? Certainly, but ironically enough, they chose me as the left version of Joe Rogan because of my audience, because of the success I’ve seen in the independent sphere as the largest left content creator in these spaces that are inundated with far right and right-wing messaging.

The most significant issue is that the Democratic Party is not defined by a policy prescription for the problems that the working class faces in this country.

I told them over and over again, this is not an issue that you can podcast your way out of, that I myself am not the Joe Rogan of the left, and that Joe Rogan could potentially be the Joe Rogan of the left, and was the Joe Rogan of the left at some point when he endorsed Bernie Sanders. And that ultimately the problems that the Democratic Party are facing do not revolve around their lack of funding in messaging initiatives. That’s one element of the issue, but it’s not the most significant one.

The most significant issue is that the Democratic Party is not defined by a policy prescription for the problems that the working class faces in this country, and when they’re not defining themselves on those terms with left populous economic solutions: Medicare for all, an initiative in the direction of publicly funded housing, federal jobs guarantee, free college, these bold and somewhat radical agenda items that I think a lot of Americans are on board with.

Instead of doing that, the Democratic Party is constantly finding itself in a defensive posture against Republican culture war agenda items, and by not having a vision in the affirmative, they are allowing the Republican party to define the Democratic party, and that’s the reason why they keep losing. So it comes back to policies at the end of the day, because that’s the fundamental principle of theoretical democracy. We are going to vote an elected representative to represent our interests.

“What will you offer me?” This is the question that I think a lot of people understandably ask their elected representatives in the Democratic party, and their  answers have so far been insufficient. I hope that this sequence of electoral defeats will light a fire under the Democratic Party, so that they don’t shy away from a more bold agenda, a more bold vision for change, especially because there’s tremendous appetite in the base of support for said bold agenda of change that centers the needs of the working class first and does not get bogged down with unnecessary culture war distractions.

In this episode

• The current status of the Michigan US Democratic Senate race.
• Will the budget get done by the July 1st deadline?

Subscribe to MichMash on Apple Podcasts, Spotify, NPR.org or wherever you get your podcasts.

Over the past month, Michigan’s U.S. Senate race has emerged as one of the most competitive contests in the country. This week on WDET’s MichMash, Gongwer News Service’s Zach Gorchow and Alethia Kasben break down the major developments that have shaped the race.

Dr. Abdul El-Sayed and U.S. Rep. Haley Stevens appear to have pulled ahead of state Sen. Mallory McMorrow. Fellow state Sen. Sam Singh said he still hopes McMorrow can gain ground before the primary election.

“What we are seeing right now is significant investment by outside groups [supporting Dr. El-Sayed and Rep. Stevens]. My understanding is that McMorrow has some independent expenditures that are happening. Now that people are spending real money, I think you’ll begin to see a clear path.”

The Michigan primaries is on August 4th 2026.

• More from WDET:
  Dr. Abdul El-Sayed on reaching voters and prioritizing issues near home
  Haley Stevens weighs in on energy costs, tariffs and Michigan jobs
  State Sen. Mallory McMorrow says she’s working to win over undecided voters, find path back to bipartisan cooperation

The United Auto Workers (UAW) endorsed Abdul El-Sayed for Michigan’s open U.S. senate seat and Jocelyn Benson for Governor.  

For UAW Region 1A Director Mark DePaoli, this move puts the union “back at the forefront” in terms of political influence.  

To determine which candidate receives their endorsement, DePaoli said the UAW Community Action Program (CAP) Board schedules meetings with candidates to ask questions and vote on who best reflects their values.  

“They ask a lot of tough questions because they want to be able to hold the candidates accountable for their answers,” DePaoli said.  

UAW rules require a two-thirds majority of CAP board member to agree in order for an endorsement to be made. 

“The best part about it is whether you’re one of the CAP reps from the plant, you’re one of the three Michigan directors, or you’re the president of the UAW, everybody’s vote weighs the same,” DePaoli said.  

Selecting a senate candidate

The CAP representatives came from each plant and facility represented by UAW, DePaoli said, and ended up voting in favor of El-Sayed.

Another way UAW members learn more about the candidates and their beliefs is through a public debate in which the candidates discuss their values.  

“It was live stream for all of our members, and the consensus at the end of that debate amongst everybody that was talking was that Abdul was the clear-cut winner,” DePaoli said. 

The vote was a surprise in some circles since the other two candidates—Congresswoman Haley Stevens and State Senator Mallory McMorrow—both have some background in the auto industry.

Stevens worked on the 2009 auto bailout in the Obama Administration. McMorrow trained as car designer. In autoworker-heavy Michigan, both candidates have leaned into drawing the interest of organized labor.

DePaoli said he was “dreading” the endorsement decision because each candidate had values that the UAW supported, but he decided that El-Sayed would be best suited to tackle the issue of healthcare, which DePaoli  referred to as “the biggest problem” for the majority of Americans.   

“We seem to be the only country where it’s acceptable for big business to make profit off of our illnesses,” DePaoli said. “Why not a health care expert in the U.S. Senate to help try and fix some of these problems?” 

El-Sayed said he was “deeply honored” to receive the endorsement from UAW. El-Sayed makes it a point that his campaign is built from union members instead of “corporate PAC money, AIPAC and Washington insiders.” 

“Together, we’re going to take on corporate greed, rebuild an economy that works for working people, strengthen collective bargaining and ensure that the future of Michigan manufacturing is built right here by union workers,” El-Sayed said.  

In the past, the UAW has almost exclusively endorsed Democratic candidates. According to DePaoli, UAW leadership invited all candidates for the U.S. Senate seat, and only three Democrats attended. Republican Mike Rogers did not attend.

“It makes it hard to endorse somebody that doesn’t even bother to come out and listen to the questions and hear the concerns of your membership, let alone give an answer,” DePaoli said. “I don’t think they even try to get Labor’s endorsement because they know they’re not going to vote any policies in favor of Labor.” 

Why Jocelyn Benson?

In the race for Michigan Governor, Jocelyn Benson has a financial advantage over Genesee County Sheriff Chris Swanson. She also has a lead in the polls.

According to DePaoli both candidates were worthy of backing and recently discussed their positions for the CAP board at UAW Local 600.

“Two great candidates coming from completely different backgrounds,” DePaoli said. “At the end of the day, we don’t completely trust in polls, but we were comfortable that Jocelyn Benson was the correct decision.”

None of the Republican candidates for governor showed up.

At the time, former Detroit Mayor Mike Duggan was in the race and in the forum.

“I think a lot of people were surprised at how well he did,” DePaoli said. “But I think everybody had gotten to a point to say, well, even if we don’t endorse him—if he does win— we’re comfortable that we can work with him and get things done for labor.”

Duggan dropped out citing concerns over money and no path to victory given a recent surge for democrats. 

Democrats are locked in a three-way primary battle in the race for US Senate. The candidates are Abdul El-Sayed, Congresswoman Haley Stevens and Senator Mallory McMorrow.   

El-Sayed spoke with WDET about how he sees himself reaching key demographics among Democratic voters. He says his experience leading health departments in Wayne County and Detroit steers his views on policy.

El-Sayed: Well, you have to ask Columbia University’s College of Physicians and Surgeons about the MD they gave me. I might have have gotten duped. Maybe it was just a fake one, but I did put in the work. And then there was also the matter of the doctorate from Oxford University. But honestly, I don’t really care as much what people think about my education. I care that people in Michigan get a good education. I don’t care if you think I’m a doctor, I want you to be able to see a doctor. And those are the issues that we really ought to be talking about. 

McNamara: Stevens, yourself, McMorrow, you’re all very polite in person. Everybody’s really, really nice. It seems like there’s a lot of dirty work being done in the media right now. Every once in a while, stories will appear in Politico. Are we gonna actually take some of this mudslinging to each other, or are we just going to work through the media? 

El-Sayed: I will tell you this, I’m not here to sling mud, and when you see those stories, they’re not coming from our team. We’re a lot more focused on getting our message out to the people. I’ve been to 96 different cities now. On the way up here, we were in Cheboygan and Gaylord, and I want folks to understand what I’m about. I want to get money out of politics, put money in your pocket, pass Medicare for all. I think part of what people hate about the politics is that too many politicians run with no message at all, so instead their message is about how the other candidate is so much worse. You don’t have to do that when you actually have a message about what you want for people in our state. 

I’ve known exactly what I want for people, because I took the time to listen through my 10 years in public service, leading Detroit’s health department, running for governor back in 2018, leading Wayne County’s Department of Health, Human, and Veteran Services. People tell me it shouldn’t be this hard to afford a second bag of groceries, shouldn’t be this hard to send your kid to a dignified school, should not be this hard to see a doctor in the richest, most powerful country in the world, and I agree.

And so our politics is not about slinging mud at other people, our politics is about trying to bring ease to the 10 million people in this state who have had a bad go of things as a function—frankly, of deals that are being cut right behind us on that porch between corporations and corporate ball politicians. I don’t play that game. I don’t think anybody should. I’d like to make it illegal, and that’s a big reason why I’m running for U.S. Senate. 

McNamara: Your message has been resonating with younger voters, according to polling. What are you doing to reach out to Gen Xers, boomers who are hesitant? 

El-Sayed: Look, we’ve been talking to everyone, going everywhere, and I think what we’re seeing is overwhelming support among young people and very strong support among millennials, Gen X and baby boomers, and I think what’s always interesting to me is when I was in Cheboygan, I had this older woman come up to me. She said “You’re the first candidate about whom my granddaughter has been excited, and she turned me on to you.”

I think the most important thing any of us do every single day is care for our future that gets manifested in the in the bodies of our kids and our grandkids. We spend so much time taking care of them, and I think when young people are inspired by something, by a movement to actually bring politics back to the problems that we want to solve with them, I think what happens is you start to see older folks take note and take heed, and we’ve been seeing that up and down the state. 

McNamara: Black women make up the base of the Democratic Party, the most consistent voting bloc. What are you doing to reach out to them specifically? 

El-Sayed: I think the most important thing you can do is have listened, and as I said, we spend a lot of time in local communities, whether it’s Bible study, whether it is church on Sunday, whether it’s block clubs, whether it’s local democratic groups listening and learning. I think the most important thing is a message that is resonant. You think about the challenges facing Black women in our state, there are many of the same challenges everybody faces—the affordability of housing, the affordability of groceries, whether or not you could see a doctor, but those problems are exacerbated by structural racism in our state. The fact that too often Black women are left to Medicaid, which reimburses at half the rate, which is part and parcel why we continue to have the kind of maternal and child health epidemics that we see in our state, issues that I worked on.

My background is as health director for the city of Detroit, health director for Wayne County. Our work has been about trying to care for Black moms and babies. We led the single biggest expansion of Rx Kids in state history, built a program called Sister Friends back when I was in the City of Detroit that did things like provide free lift rides for prenatal care, so these are communities that I’ve been thinking about, listening to and delivering for for most of my career in public service, and you see that reflected in what we’re running on.

When I talk about Medicare for all, everybody focuses on the “all” part, because I want everyone in, nobody out. But ask yourself, for whom that Medicare for all is going to be the most important. Yes, it’s going to be in rural communities, very close to here, but it’s also going to be in urban communities, where too often, even if you are covered on Medicaid, your Medicaid reimbursement is so low that you can’t actually find a primary care doc, and you know that you’re going to be discriminated against at the point of care. These are all issues that come up when I’m in communities, and issues that we’re talking about and bringing to the fore in this campaign. 

McNamara: Do you have TV ads? Because the only ones I’m getting are for Haley Stevens and for Shri Thanedar. Those make up most of my TV watching experience right now. 

El-Sayed: I’m sorry to hear that, and I’ve seen those ads. They are very boring, but I will also tell you this: I don’t have AIPAC behind me, and AIPAC moves its money through a whole system of shell PACs, and those are the ads you’re seeing. So, we’ve seen what $7 (million), $8 million are spending already on behalf of Congresswoman Stevens by AIPAC–not telling you about her record on sending your tax dollars to a foreign government, but instead talking about, I don’t know what they’re talking about now, but, but that’s exactly how they work.

They flood the airwaves with ads, disinforming you about a particular record, because what they really care about is making sure that our foreign policy is driven by the interests of a foreign government, rather than for you. And I am going to be the biggest opponent that they have in the 2026 cycle, and they’ve already said I’m the single biggest danger to the U.S.-Israel relationship, and it has nothing to do with my position on any one group of people, because frankly, I don’t think we should be sending foreign military aid to Egypt either, where my family came from.

It has everything to do with the fact that I was the health director in a city, Detroit, watching kids try to go to school in classrooms with icicles hanging off of them, trying to provide kids glasses, trying to make sure that people didn’t fall into medical debt, and I happen to think that we should be using our tax dollars here to invest in health care here and education here, rather than sending it over there to buy bombs and tanks that get used to drive apartheid and genocide there. That should not be a difficult opinion to hold, but that kind of money is what gets spent on you when you say things like I just said. 

The Michigan Democratic Senate Primary is heating up a bit. Polls largely show the trio of Dr. Abdul El-Sayed, Congresswoman Haley Stevens, and State Senator Mallory McMorrow all within the margin of error of each other.

Stevens and McMorrow have been trading off the lead.

The race has simmered with the candidates not really taking shots at each other. That’s now changed.

Yesterday, El-Sayed rallied at the University of Michigan and Michigan State with left-wing influencer Hasan Piker.

Piker’s livestreams – and political commentary – have drawn over three million followers on Twitch.

In 2024, Piker was invited to the Democratic National Convention in Chicago, but was kicked out over his criticism of Democrats and candidate Kamala Harris – for their failure to stop or criticize Israel’s genocide in Gaza.

The 34-year-old Piker has made some controversial statements and his inclusion by the progressive El-Sayed has drawn sharp criticism by centrist Democrats.

When the campaign stops were announced, McMorrow was quick to compare Piker to Nick Fuentes—a far-right white supremacist holocaust denier. Stevens and current Michigan U.S. Senator Elissa Slotkin also criticized the move.

Detroit-based reporter Tom Perkins looked at the controversy for The Guardian.

He tells WDET’s Russ McNamara that this fight is indicative of an internal struggle within the Democratic Party.

A party divided

Tom Perkins: I think this is really part of the ongoing civil war between the sort of Hillary Clinton wing of the party and the more progressive Bernie Sanders / AOC (Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez) / Zohran Mamdani wing of the party.

You have El-Sayed and Piker, who are very progressive, and Piker has campaigned or interviewed AOC, Sanders, Zohran Mamdani, etc. And while McMorrow is a little bit younger and more progressive than somebody like Hillary Clinton, a lot of her surrogates, her aides, etc., come from that camp. And so that’s sort of the broader dynamic here and worth keeping in mind.

Accusations of anti-semitism

TP: Piker has been highly critical of Israel. He’s criticized it over its genocide, its rampaging through the Middle East, its war crimes, its atrocities, and he speaks about it in very strong terms. So that’s that alone has drawn some criticism, but he’s also said some pretty controversial things.

[Piker] said Hamas is lesser of the two evils with the Israeli government. Hamas is 1000 times better than the Israeli government. And he said this in the context of looking at who causes more death in the Middle East. And while it’s a controversial statement, people have said, “Oh, well, that’s antisemitic.” But he’s defended himself and said, “No, that’s a criticism of the Israeli government. That’s not a criticism of all Jewish people.”

[Piker] called a sect of Orthodox Jews in Israel who are ethno-supremacists, “inbred.” And that ignited a huge controversy, and that’s been used against him. People have said, “Oh, well, he called all Jews inbred.” He’s, defended that, and said, “No, I use that term to describe Nazis. I use that term to describe ethno-supremacists and racial supremacists of all kinds.”

When I talked with him about it, he said, “Look, there’s a super cut out there of an hour long of me calling different groups inbred, and it has nothing to do with with Jewish people or Jews. It’s just a term that I use to describe supremacists.”

Arab American views

Russ McNamara: What do Arab American leaders say here in Michigan?

TP: For my story, I spoke with seven local and national Arab American and Lebanese American leaders. They all said some variation of the same thing, which is that these attacks on El-Sayed and Piker show that the establishment Democrats are making the same moral and strategic blunders that they made in 2024 that led to Dems electoral demise in Michigan and nationally.

They say this is an attempt to censor criticism of Israel, and they say that it shows the anti-Arab bias that imbues the political establishment. McMorrow in her criticism of El-Sayed and Piker said, “Well, you know, Piker shouldn’t be here, because this happened in the wake of the Temple Israel Synagogue attacks,” which she said that Jewish people are suffering from that. Which is true that Jewish people are suffering from that, and that should be acknowledged, but she doesn’t acknowledge the suffering of the 120,000 Lebanese American people in Michigan.

Their families are from southern Lebanon. Israel has invaded Lebanon, virtually every one of these 120,000 people, either have a family member, a loved one, a friend who has been killed by Israel, or displaced by Israel. A million people are displaced right now in southern Lebanon. Many, many people from Michigan have family members who are suffering. That suffering is reverberating across Southeast Michigan, and that is not being acknowledged by McMorrow or centrist Democrats or establishment Democrats.

RM: How much impact will this actually have on the Democratic Primary?

TP: One of the one of the folks I spoke with for the story was Abed Ayoub, who’s the spokesperson for the American-Arab Anti-Discrimination Committee (ADC), an Arab American civil rights group in Dearborn.

He said to me: “Look, Republicans are making inroads here. If there’s somebody like McMorrow, if there’s a Democratic candidate who’s not considering us, who’s not thinking about our suffering, who’s telling us to be quiet about Israel, then the same things that happened in 2024 are going to happen again. People are going to vote for a Republican. They’re going to stay home, they’re going to vote third party. So yes, if you want to win in Michigan, you might want to acknowledge this suffering. You might want to acknowledge that this is happening.”

I should stress that everybody I spoke with said some variation the same thing, which is the suffering of both people can be acknowledged at the same time. We don’t have to exclude one or the other.